《独立新闻在线》- 山埃采金,可怕吗?
【拯救马来西亚委员会】在劳勿进行反山埃冶金运动的人士,最常被人问起的其中一个问题,也许就是这句“山埃,真有那么可怕吗?”
问的人,有的对山埃认识不足,希望从委员会成员的口中知多一点点,有的借山埃向对方发难,不论提问者的动机是甚么,山埃对空气、水源及环境造成的伤害磬竹难书,对与大自然生共存的人类就更加不用说了。
勞勿居民相信她們身上的症狀與冶金活動有關。
劳勿武吉公满反山埃采金委员会发布的消息显示,山埃泄漏影响事大,可以造成整条河流的鱼类几乎难逃死劫,以1992年美国卡洛拉多西南部发生的氰化钠泄漏为例,Alamoso27公哩的鱼类和其他河流的生物全部死亡,当局净化河流的成本高达1亿5000万美元。
此外,山埃在酸性(Acidic)情况下可以形成氰化氢(Hydrogen cyanide),并通通过空气扩散。人类透过呼吸空气、饮水、吃食物或接触含有氰化物的土壤,就会接触到氰化物,而一旦接触到这些有毒物质便会心跳加速,失去知觉,呼吸衰竭进而死亡,而小孩与孕妇将首当其冲。
一旦发生山埃泄漏,遭污染的河水流向双溪冬后向双溪立卑,届时不只劳勿3000 多居民的生命将受到威胁,立卑县一带的居民也难逃一劫。
《地球宪章 》的落实和执行,人民的意愿受到尊重,可以令受到威胁的生命逃过一劫!
2006年10月1日,金矿公司与武吉公满村委会在一家餐馆聚餐会面,席间公司负责人向与会者展示州政府发出的山埃冶金批准信,并宣称山埃冶金法不会影响居民的健康,试图要居民相信山埃冶金法是安全无害的。
村委会向居民传达听说的“山埃不影响健康”的讯息时引起一阵热议。一些居民上网搜寻资料,发现山埃是一种致命的化学物质,于是寻求环保组织大马自然之友协助,发起反山埃运动。
武吉公满住上400多户人家,人口约有3000人,素来过着平静生活的居民自然不愿看到自己的家园与山埃为伍,也不愿看到劳勿居民遭受山埃一旦泄漏或因人为疏忽或天然灾变所造成的祸患。
所以他们通过行动“抗山埃,保家园”,进行不懈的抗反山埃抗争,反山埃委员会成员更站在前线,领导居民齐声向山埃说不。
聆听,《地球宪章》的号角而今吹起,“尊重和关心生命共同体” 已不再是挂在口角上的浮夸之词,直叫劳勿居民太沈重的山埃,也不应再在今天成为居民申诉的议题了。
作为生命共体,我们是不是该共同对公害省思,为一个美好的明天而努力?
2011年9月29日星期四
2011年9月13日星期二
来自武吉公满的回复
汪先生,
您的来信让我们感动与激动万分!
让我们知道,在遥远的槟城,原来有个人对发生在彭亨劳勿武吉公满人民关心之至。
其实我们也很惭愧,我们又何尝不是不知不觉,后知后觉呢?如果这事情不是牵连到我们自身的健康与家园的安全,或许我们也像大多数人一样沉默。。。
古大德言:“不怕念起,只怕觉迟”。您的觉知未晚也。
当年的红泥山,今日的劳勿与关丹,明日呢?
为了不让悲剧再上演,我们必需全民联手,杜绝公害!
你说到了事情的关键点,公害的根源是不关心民瘼的滥权政府,沉默的大多数是帮凶!但很多时候沉默是因为了解不深。所以我们必须把信息传达出去让大众了解事情的真相。
11月20日会参加槟威大桥国际马拉松赛是个很好的提议,筹款运动也很好,我们很愿意配合。只不过我们也对搞此类运动缺乏经验,我们可以稍后再详谈。
至于《抗山埃保家园》的T-shirt 资料我们已经发到您FB的邮箱。
任何捐款若需要收据的话,请把进款单和名字发给我们以便我们可以准备收据。
再次感谢您的支持!
您的来信让我们感动与激动万分!
让我们知道,在遥远的槟城,原来有个人对发生在彭亨劳勿武吉公满人民关心之至。
其实我们也很惭愧,我们又何尝不是不知不觉,后知后觉呢?如果这事情不是牵连到我们自身的健康与家园的安全,或许我们也像大多数人一样沉默。。。
古大德言:“不怕念起,只怕觉迟”。您的觉知未晚也。
当年的红泥山,今日的劳勿与关丹,明日呢?
为了不让悲剧再上演,我们必需全民联手,杜绝公害!
你说到了事情的关键点,公害的根源是不关心民瘼的滥权政府,沉默的大多数是帮凶!但很多时候沉默是因为了解不深。所以我们必须把信息传达出去让大众了解事情的真相。
11月20日会参加槟威大桥国际马拉松赛是个很好的提议,筹款运动也很好,我们很愿意配合。只不过我们也对搞此类运动缺乏经验,我们可以稍后再详谈。
至于《抗山埃保家园》的T-shirt 资料我们已经发到您FB的邮箱。
任何捐款若需要收据的话,请把进款单和名字发给我们以便我们可以准备收据。
再次感谢您的支持!
2011年7月9日星期六
转载《独立新闻在线》文章
纳吉政府惊慌失信
净选盟转据上风!
作者/本刊陈慧思 Jul 07, 2011 05:24:51 pm
在纳吉政府的强行镇压、抹黑栽赃下,净选盟2.0原已低头接纳纳吉的献议,以在体育馆举行大集会,岂料纳吉昨日言明,举行集会需获取集会准证,而提出申请的组织须是注册团体。
已被判定是非法组织的净选盟如何申请准证?这等于直接告诉净选盟,“取消集会是你们唯一的选择”。
从三天前献议净选盟在体育馆集会,到昨天突然紧急煞车拒绝点头允诺净选盟在体育馆集会,纳吉背信弃诺的表现令人摇头叹息,就连雪兰莪州马华公会都忍不住,要有关当局莫节外生枝,批准净选盟在体育馆集会。
纳吉的回应令人始料未及,就连官方媒体《马新社》都没法跟上其脚步,昨天下午四时许方刊出“多名副部长皆赞同室内集会”的新闻,下午六时许纳吉就已退缩。《星洲日报》众名笔今天在报章上赞扬政府和净选盟两方各退一步、室内集会可以确保人民和平表达诉求,更是“拍马屁拍到了马腿上”。
纳吉或许根本没有料到净选盟愿意屈身体育馆,因而假借和平和安全之名,提出体育馆集会的献议。岂料净选盟接纳其建议,令他阵脚大乱。
在接纳体育馆建议之后,许多人号召网民身穿黄衣走到指定地点——默迪卡体育馆,以非游行之名行游行之实,让足可容纳五万人的体育馆被黄潮包围淹没。讯息一传十,十传百,许多网民雀跃期待这场靠“智取”的“合法游行”,以展示人民要求干净和公平选举的决心。
虽然净选盟表面上是低头俯顺纳吉的献议,但是实际效果却是“以退为进”,这可能是纳吉政府甚至是净选盟本身都始料未及的。
只相隔一天的时间,净选盟就从原本被牵制的下风位置转据上风,说明这场净选盟和政府之间的拉锯战波云诡密,充满了变数。
净选盟在网上的浩大声势显然已震慑布城,纳吉开始担心三天前开出的条件将令政府作茧自缚,让黄军得逞,因而紧急煞车,将球踢回给警方。昨天纳吉的言论刊出之后,网上即刻骂声四起,纳吉被轰失信于民。
堂堂一国之首在24小时内耍计反口,严重打击政府的信誉。如果说警方滥用法律镇压黄潮集会已令纳吉政府过去两年余的形象包装工程前功尽废,那么纳吉反口失信即是最后一根稻草。
过去一个月来,政府表现出强硬和滥权的作风,且明显持有双重标准,在许多人心目中已到了面目狰狞的地步。反之净选盟以低姿态回应强势政府,尽管因觐见国家元首和放弃街头示威而令中坚改革派人士反感,但是博得了一般民众的谅解和好感,在策略上战胜了政府。
这次净选盟集会的发展亦反映出,马来西亚的公民社会已经开始形成,公民通过网上的讯息传送,在大是大非的课题上达成了共识。尽管先前中坚派失望净选盟没有站稳立场,但亦快速重新归队,呼朋唤友出席体育馆大集会。
另外,网民有感警方抹黑嫁祸净选盟,担忧709当天有人蓄意捣乱,因而自发在“面子书”(Facebook)呼吁出席者克制,勿以暴制暴,显示这一群准备上街的国民是和平的拥护者,他们最担心的反倒是当权派混进人群制造骚乱,嫁祸净选盟集会者。
一场和平集会,令政府如临大敌。迄今已有近200人被逮捕,其中六人还在《紧急法令》扣留中,直到现在,逮捕行动都还没有停止。吉隆坡警方已列出91个人的名单,声明一旦这些人进到吉隆坡商业区范围就即刻逮捕。名单上土著权威组织主席依布拉欣阿里(Ibrahim Ali)和巫青团团长凯里(Khairy Jamaluddin)的名字显然只是用以显示警方一视同仁的橱窗摆设。
这是净选盟和政府之间的博弈,亦是公民和暴政之间的博弈。如果7月9日净选盟2.0大集会当天,华裔能冲破心理障碍,向友族看齐,从舒适的住家和办公室走到默迪卡体育馆,届时吉隆坡街道上呈现的真正“一个马来西亚”画面,将猛刮纳吉政府一巴掌,冲击下一届大选。
净选盟转据上风!
作者/本刊陈慧思 Jul 07, 2011 05:24:51 pm
在纳吉政府的强行镇压、抹黑栽赃下,净选盟2.0原已低头接纳纳吉的献议,以在体育馆举行大集会,岂料纳吉昨日言明,举行集会需获取集会准证,而提出申请的组织须是注册团体。
已被判定是非法组织的净选盟如何申请准证?这等于直接告诉净选盟,“取消集会是你们唯一的选择”。
从三天前献议净选盟在体育馆集会,到昨天突然紧急煞车拒绝点头允诺净选盟在体育馆集会,纳吉背信弃诺的表现令人摇头叹息,就连雪兰莪州马华公会都忍不住,要有关当局莫节外生枝,批准净选盟在体育馆集会。
纳吉的回应令人始料未及,就连官方媒体《马新社》都没法跟上其脚步,昨天下午四时许方刊出“多名副部长皆赞同室内集会”的新闻,下午六时许纳吉就已退缩。《星洲日报》众名笔今天在报章上赞扬政府和净选盟两方各退一步、室内集会可以确保人民和平表达诉求,更是“拍马屁拍到了马腿上”。
纳吉或许根本没有料到净选盟愿意屈身体育馆,因而假借和平和安全之名,提出体育馆集会的献议。岂料净选盟接纳其建议,令他阵脚大乱。
在接纳体育馆建议之后,许多人号召网民身穿黄衣走到指定地点——默迪卡体育馆,以非游行之名行游行之实,让足可容纳五万人的体育馆被黄潮包围淹没。讯息一传十,十传百,许多网民雀跃期待这场靠“智取”的“合法游行”,以展示人民要求干净和公平选举的决心。
虽然净选盟表面上是低头俯顺纳吉的献议,但是实际效果却是“以退为进”,这可能是纳吉政府甚至是净选盟本身都始料未及的。
只相隔一天的时间,净选盟就从原本被牵制的下风位置转据上风,说明这场净选盟和政府之间的拉锯战波云诡密,充满了变数。
净选盟在网上的浩大声势显然已震慑布城,纳吉开始担心三天前开出的条件将令政府作茧自缚,让黄军得逞,因而紧急煞车,将球踢回给警方。昨天纳吉的言论刊出之后,网上即刻骂声四起,纳吉被轰失信于民。
堂堂一国之首在24小时内耍计反口,严重打击政府的信誉。如果说警方滥用法律镇压黄潮集会已令纳吉政府过去两年余的形象包装工程前功尽废,那么纳吉反口失信即是最后一根稻草。
过去一个月来,政府表现出强硬和滥权的作风,且明显持有双重标准,在许多人心目中已到了面目狰狞的地步。反之净选盟以低姿态回应强势政府,尽管因觐见国家元首和放弃街头示威而令中坚改革派人士反感,但是博得了一般民众的谅解和好感,在策略上战胜了政府。
这次净选盟集会的发展亦反映出,马来西亚的公民社会已经开始形成,公民通过网上的讯息传送,在大是大非的课题上达成了共识。尽管先前中坚派失望净选盟没有站稳立场,但亦快速重新归队,呼朋唤友出席体育馆大集会。
另外,网民有感警方抹黑嫁祸净选盟,担忧709当天有人蓄意捣乱,因而自发在“面子书”(Facebook)呼吁出席者克制,勿以暴制暴,显示这一群准备上街的国民是和平的拥护者,他们最担心的反倒是当权派混进人群制造骚乱,嫁祸净选盟集会者。
一场和平集会,令政府如临大敌。迄今已有近200人被逮捕,其中六人还在《紧急法令》扣留中,直到现在,逮捕行动都还没有停止。吉隆坡警方已列出91个人的名单,声明一旦这些人进到吉隆坡商业区范围就即刻逮捕。名单上土著权威组织主席依布拉欣阿里(Ibrahim Ali)和巫青团团长凯里(Khairy Jamaluddin)的名字显然只是用以显示警方一视同仁的橱窗摆设。
这是净选盟和政府之间的博弈,亦是公民和暴政之间的博弈。如果7月9日净选盟2.0大集会当天,华裔能冲破心理障碍,向友族看齐,从舒适的住家和办公室走到默迪卡体育馆,届时吉隆坡街道上呈现的真正“一个马来西亚”画面,将猛刮纳吉政府一巴掌,冲击下一届大选。
2011年3月29日星期二
转载沈志勤的文章
沈志勤‧性醜聞的目的 2011-03-25 19:17
安華的法庭案件還未落幕,另一場低劣但激烈的政治惡鬥又掀開序幕。
這次再度企圖用“性”來摧毀對手,只因類似手法屢試不爽,在保守的馬來社會非常管用。
日前,前馬六甲首席部長拉欣擺脫本身性醜聞下台的陰影,高調“復出”。他重出江湖的第一炮,就是用性醜聞來回敬他的政治宿敵安華。 為甚麼再三的用性醜聞來對付安華?
如果我們回顧歷史,安華是學生運動出生,創立馬來西亞回教青年協會,主張回歸正信回教教義,捍衛社會正義,也積極消除貧窮。許多馬來社會知識分子都參與這個組織,他們言行一致,所以在馬來社會非常有影響力。安華成為副首相後,也推廣宗教對話,主辦了轟動一時的回儒對話。在國際上主張回教民主運動,強調回教與民主的共同價值,所以安華在回教及西方政治與知識界有很崇高的地位。 一些政治領袖常常拿安華沒有辦法。
第一個肛交案,上訴庭因為證據不足,無罪釋放。第二肛交案仍在進行中。眼見安華就快要擺脫第二肛交案,有心人士就趕快再製造第三個性醜聞來詆毀安華的人格。
以性醜聞謀殺領袖人格,是最有效的政治策略。一些領袖只希望小部份的人民相信他們的說辭,就能夠贏得多一些鄉區的議席。 此外,他們也希望以這些案件來拖累安華,使他沒有時間來處理政治問題。第二肛交案捆綁了安華很多寶貴的時間,每天都必須上庭聆聽審訊,他只能在雪隆地區活動,沒有時間到偏遠的地方演說。肛交案也轉移了安華的視線,必須花時間與律師討論案件,相對的,領導民聯與公正黨的時間也被佔用了。 但是,轉移人民的視線才是最主要的策略,企圖以熱辣的性愛醜聞引起人民好奇心,忘記許多生活水生火熱的困境。在砂州選舉時,大家討論的將會是醜聞而不是政策!
馬來西亞的政治已經墮落到不擇手段摧毀政敵的地步。人民已經必須站出來拒絕這種政治,只有人民大聲向這些政客說不,我們的政治才有重生的機會。
安華的法庭案件還未落幕,另一場低劣但激烈的政治惡鬥又掀開序幕。
這次再度企圖用“性”來摧毀對手,只因類似手法屢試不爽,在保守的馬來社會非常管用。
日前,前馬六甲首席部長拉欣擺脫本身性醜聞下台的陰影,高調“復出”。他重出江湖的第一炮,就是用性醜聞來回敬他的政治宿敵安華。 為甚麼再三的用性醜聞來對付安華?
如果我們回顧歷史,安華是學生運動出生,創立馬來西亞回教青年協會,主張回歸正信回教教義,捍衛社會正義,也積極消除貧窮。許多馬來社會知識分子都參與這個組織,他們言行一致,所以在馬來社會非常有影響力。安華成為副首相後,也推廣宗教對話,主辦了轟動一時的回儒對話。在國際上主張回教民主運動,強調回教與民主的共同價值,所以安華在回教及西方政治與知識界有很崇高的地位。 一些政治領袖常常拿安華沒有辦法。
第一個肛交案,上訴庭因為證據不足,無罪釋放。第二肛交案仍在進行中。眼見安華就快要擺脫第二肛交案,有心人士就趕快再製造第三個性醜聞來詆毀安華的人格。
以性醜聞謀殺領袖人格,是最有效的政治策略。一些領袖只希望小部份的人民相信他們的說辭,就能夠贏得多一些鄉區的議席。 此外,他們也希望以這些案件來拖累安華,使他沒有時間來處理政治問題。第二肛交案捆綁了安華很多寶貴的時間,每天都必須上庭聆聽審訊,他只能在雪隆地區活動,沒有時間到偏遠的地方演說。肛交案也轉移了安華的視線,必須花時間與律師討論案件,相對的,領導民聯與公正黨的時間也被佔用了。 但是,轉移人民的視線才是最主要的策略,企圖以熱辣的性愛醜聞引起人民好奇心,忘記許多生活水生火熱的困境。在砂州選舉時,大家討論的將會是醜聞而不是政策!
馬來西亞的政治已經墮落到不擇手段摧毀政敵的地步。人民已經必須站出來拒絕這種政治,只有人民大聲向這些政客說不,我們的政治才有重生的機會。
2010年10月9日星期六
跑步的好处(转载文章)
这是一位前辈email给我的文章。我觉得有必要和大家分享。
至于实际好处,见仁见智。
跑步有助消除沮丧情绪 黄昏运动效果最佳
http://www.sina.com.cn 2010年10月09日07:41 新浪健康论坛
有位长寿者说:“心情好,常跑跑。”生活中若真遇上不称心的事,不妨跑一跑,因为这样的确能够消除人的郁闷心理。美国威斯康辛大学的教授兼心理治疗师瑞斯特,在运用跑步对沮丧者进行治疗后得出结论:跑步对许多消沉者,似乎是合理的药方,因为它既不贵,又不像药物那样会引起副作用。
大多数沮丧者是因为缺乏运动,而跑步是有氧运动,除了活动肌肉外,也能加强心、肺和循环系统的功能,使原本应该有而缺少的东西回归到生命中。同时,跑步能分散注意力,跑步者注意到身体新的感受,原本因沮丧引起的不适就忽略了。
沮丧的原因是脑神经元中缺乏副肾髓质(renal adrenal medulla)以外组织分泌的激素,跑步时,该激素增加,跑步后,分泌量还能增高,所以能消除人的沮丧心理。
传统的看法是,空气清新的早上最适宜于锻炼,但新近研究结果表明,锻炼的最佳时机却是
黄昏。在晚餐前慢跑能消除一天的压力,还能控制胃口。但只要你能腾得出时间,一天中任何时候跑步都能起到好的作用。
在跑步之前最好是先走一走,不要片面地追求速度,不要像比赛一般,也不要给自己计时,你可只为乐趣而跑,充分享受满足感所带来的喜悦,重要的是保存精力跑远些。若感觉上气不接下气,不要停下来,而是改用走的方法,走到呼吸顺畅些再开始跑。要注意不要突然停止运动,因为血液中儿茶酚胺(Catecholamines )含量会猛增,能引起心脏不规则跳动,所以跑完后应慢慢“冷却”,其方法同热身一样,也是步行。如果感到疼痛时,不妨休息几天。跑步时最好选择那些有草地、旷野或林荫道的地方,安详静谧的四周可使你的心和自然交融,同时一定要选好适宜自己的跑鞋,你的脚也会因为柔软的地面和舒适的跑鞋受到很好的保护。
这种跑步最好偶尔有些间断,一般来讲,每跑两天后至少休息一天,或者根据实际情况自己掌握。日子一长,你会感到坏心情离你越来越远。
至于实际好处,见仁见智。
跑步有助消除沮丧情绪 黄昏运动效果最佳
http://www.sina.com.cn 2010年10月09日07:41 新浪健康论坛
有位长寿者说:“心情好,常跑跑。”生活中若真遇上不称心的事,不妨跑一跑,因为这样的确能够消除人的郁闷心理。美国威斯康辛大学的教授兼心理治疗师瑞斯特,在运用跑步对沮丧者进行治疗后得出结论:跑步对许多消沉者,似乎是合理的药方,因为它既不贵,又不像药物那样会引起副作用。
大多数沮丧者是因为缺乏运动,而跑步是有氧运动,除了活动肌肉外,也能加强心、肺和循环系统的功能,使原本应该有而缺少的东西回归到生命中。同时,跑步能分散注意力,跑步者注意到身体新的感受,原本因沮丧引起的不适就忽略了。
沮丧的原因是脑神经元中缺乏副肾髓质(renal adrenal medulla)以外组织分泌的激素,跑步时,该激素增加,跑步后,分泌量还能增高,所以能消除人的沮丧心理。
传统的看法是,空气清新的早上最适宜于锻炼,但新近研究结果表明,锻炼的最佳时机却是
黄昏。在晚餐前慢跑能消除一天的压力,还能控制胃口。但只要你能腾得出时间,一天中任何时候跑步都能起到好的作用。
在跑步之前最好是先走一走,不要片面地追求速度,不要像比赛一般,也不要给自己计时,你可只为乐趣而跑,充分享受满足感所带来的喜悦,重要的是保存精力跑远些。若感觉上气不接下气,不要停下来,而是改用走的方法,走到呼吸顺畅些再开始跑。要注意不要突然停止运动,因为血液中儿茶酚胺(Catecholamines )含量会猛增,能引起心脏不规则跳动,所以跑完后应慢慢“冷却”,其方法同热身一样,也是步行。如果感到疼痛时,不妨休息几天。跑步时最好选择那些有草地、旷野或林荫道的地方,安详静谧的四周可使你的心和自然交融,同时一定要选好适宜自己的跑鞋,你的脚也会因为柔软的地面和舒适的跑鞋受到很好的保护。
这种跑步最好偶尔有些间断,一般来讲,每跑两天后至少休息一天,或者根据实际情况自己掌握。日子一长,你会感到坏心情离你越来越远。
2010年7月3日星期六
2010年5月30日星期日
《华人真正要的是什么?》——回应马来西亚前锋报文章
阅读了马来西亚前锋报那篇偏激的“烂”文章之后,我有幸找到了针对相关的应对文章,特别转载在这里和大家分享。
What the Chinese want
By Kee Thuan Chye
COMMENT Every time the Barisan Nasional gets less than the expected support from Chinese voters at an election, the question invariably pops up among the petty-minded: Why are the Chinese ungrateful?
So now, after the Hulu Selangor by-election, it’s not surprising to read in Utusan Malaysia a piece that asks: “Orang Cina Malaysia, apa lagi yang anda mahu?” (Chinese of Malaysia, what more do you want?)
Normally, something intentionally provocative and propagandistic as this doesn’t deserve to be honoured with a reply. But even though I’m fed up of such disruptive and ethnocentric polemics, this time I feel obliged to reply – partly because the article has also been published, in an English translation, in the Straits Times of Singapore.
I wish to emphasise here that I am replying not as a Chinese Malaysian but, simply, as a Malaysian.
Let me say at the outset that the Chinese have got nothing more than what any citizen should get. So to ask “what more” it is they want, is misguided. A correct question would be “What do the Chinese want?”
All our lives, we Chinese have held to the belief that no one owes us a living. We have to work for it. Most of us have got where we are by the sweat of our brow, not by handouts or the policies of the government.
We have come to expect nothing – not awards, not accolades, not gifts from official sources. (Let’s not lump in Datukships, that’s a different ball game.) We know that no Chinese who writes in the Chinese language will ever be bestowed the title of Sasterawan Negara, unlike in Singapore where the literatures of all the main language streams are recognised and honoured with the Cultural Medallion, etc.
We have learned we can’t expect the government to grant us scholarships. Some will get those, but countless others won’t. We’ve learned to live with that and to work extra hard in order to support our children to attain higher education – because education is very important to us. We experience a lot of daily pressure to achieve that. Unfortunately, not many non-Chinese realise or understand that. In fact, many Chinese had no choice but to emigrate for the sake of their children’s further education. Or to accept scholarships from abroad, many from Singapore, which has inevitably led to a brain drain.
The writer of the Utusan article says the Chinese “account for most of the students” enrolled in “the best private colleges in Malaysia”. Even so, the Chinese still have to pay a lot of money to have their children study in these colleges. And to earn that money, the parents have to work very hard. The money does not fall from the sky.
The writer goes on to add: “The Malays can gain admission into only government-owned colleges of ordinary reputation.” That is utter nonsense. Some of these colleges are meant for the cream of the Malay crop of students and are endowed with the best facilities. They are given elite treatment.
The writer also fails to acknowledge that the Chinese are barred from being admitted to some of these colleges. As a result, the Chinese are forced to pay more money to go to private colleges. Furthermore, the Malays are also welcome to enrol in the private colleges, and many of them do. It’s, after all, a free enterprise.
Plain and simple reason
The writer claims that the Chinese live “in the lap of luxury” and lead lives that are “more than ordinary” whereas the Malays in Singapore, their minority-race counterparts there, lead “ordinary lives”. Such sweeping statements sound inane especially when they are not backed up by definitions of “lap of luxury” and “ordinary lives”. They sound hysterical, if not hilarious as well, when they are not backed up by evidence. It’s surprising that a national daily like Utusan Malaysia would publish something as idiosyncratic as that. And the Straits Times too.
All smiles from PM Najib
The writer quotes from a survey that said eight of the 10 richest people in Malaysia are Chinese. Well, if these people are where they are, it must have also come from hard work and prudent business sense. Is that something to be faulted?
If the writer had said that some of them achieved greater wealth through being given crony privileges and lucrative contracts by the government, there might be a point, but even then, it would still take hard work and business acumen to secure success. Certainly, Syed Mokhtar Al-Bukhary, who is one of the 10, would take exception if it were said that he has not worked hard and lacks business savvy.
Most important, it should be noted that the eight Chinese tycoons mentioned in the survey represent but a minuscule percentage of the wider Chinese Malaysian population. To extrapolate that because eight Chinese are filthy rich, the rest of the Chinese must therefore live in the lap of luxury and lead more than ordinary lives would be a mockery of the truth. The writer has obviously not met the vast numbers of very poor Chinese.
The crux of the writer’s article is that the Chinese are not grateful to the government by not voting for Barisan Nasional at the Hulu Selangor by-election. But this demonstrates the thinking of either a simple mind or a closed one.
Why did the Chinese by and large not vote for BN? Because it’s corrupt. Plain and simple. Let’s call a spade a spade. And BN showed how corrupt it was during the campaign by throwing bribes to the electorate, including promising RM3 million to the Chinese school in Rasa.
The Chinese were not alone in seeing this corruption. The figures are unofficial but one could assume that at least 40 per cent of Malays and 45 per cent of Indians who voted against BN in that by-election also had their eyes open.
So, what’s wrong with not supporting a government that is corrupt? If the government is corrupt, do we continue to support it?
To answer the question then, what do the Chinese want? They want a government that is not corrupt; that can govern well and proves to have done so; that tells the truth rather than lies; that follows the rule of law; that upholds rather than abuses the country’s sacred institutions. BN does not fit that description, so the Chinese don’t vote for it. This is not what only the Chinese want. It is something every sensible Malaysian, regardless of race, wants. Is that something that is too difficult to understand?
Some people think that the government is to be equated with the country, and therefore if someone does not support the government, they are being disloyal to the country. This is a complete fallacy. BN is not Malaysia. It is merely a political coalition that is the government of the day. Rejecting BN is not rejecting the country.
A sense of belonging
Let’s be clear about this important distinction. In America, the people sometimes vote for the Democrats and sometimes for the Republicans. Voting against the one that is in government at the time is not considered disloyalty to the country.
Banner reads 'We are Malaysians too'
By the same token, voting against Umno is also voting against a party, not against a race. And if the Chinese or whoever criticise Umno, they are criticising the party; they are not criticising Malays. It just happens that Umno’s leaders are Malay.
It is time all Malaysians realised this so that we can once and for all dispel the confusion. Let us no more confuse country with government. We can love our country and at the same time hate the government. It is perfectly all right.
I should add here what the Chinese don’t want. We don’t want to be insulted, to be called pendatang, or told to be grateful for our citizenship. We have been loyal citizens; we duly and dutifully pay taxes; we respect the country’s constitution and its institutions. Our forefathers came to this country generations ago and helped it to prosper. We are continuing to contribute to the country's growth and development.
Would anyone like to be disparaged, made to feel unwelcome, unwanted? For the benefit of the writer of the Utusan article, what MCA president Chua Soi Lek means when he says the MCA needs to be more vocal is that it needs to speak up whenever the Chinese community is disparaged. For too long, the MCA has not spoken up strongly enough when Umno politicians and associates like Ahmad Ismail, Nasir Safar, Ahmad Noh and others before them insulted the Chinese and made them feel like they don’t belong. That’s why the Chinese have largely rejected the MCA.
You see, the Chinese, like all human beings, want self-respect. And a sense of belonging in this country they call home. That is all the Chinese want, and have always wanted. Nothing more.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Dramatist and journalist Kee Thuan Chye is the author of 'March 8: The Day Malaysia Woke Up'. He is a contributor to Free Malaysia Today.
What the Chinese want
By Kee Thuan Chye
COMMENT Every time the Barisan Nasional gets less than the expected support from Chinese voters at an election, the question invariably pops up among the petty-minded: Why are the Chinese ungrateful?
So now, after the Hulu Selangor by-election, it’s not surprising to read in Utusan Malaysia a piece that asks: “Orang Cina Malaysia, apa lagi yang anda mahu?” (Chinese of Malaysia, what more do you want?)
Normally, something intentionally provocative and propagandistic as this doesn’t deserve to be honoured with a reply. But even though I’m fed up of such disruptive and ethnocentric polemics, this time I feel obliged to reply – partly because the article has also been published, in an English translation, in the Straits Times of Singapore.
I wish to emphasise here that I am replying not as a Chinese Malaysian but, simply, as a Malaysian.
Let me say at the outset that the Chinese have got nothing more than what any citizen should get. So to ask “what more” it is they want, is misguided. A correct question would be “What do the Chinese want?”
All our lives, we Chinese have held to the belief that no one owes us a living. We have to work for it. Most of us have got where we are by the sweat of our brow, not by handouts or the policies of the government.
We have come to expect nothing – not awards, not accolades, not gifts from official sources. (Let’s not lump in Datukships, that’s a different ball game.) We know that no Chinese who writes in the Chinese language will ever be bestowed the title of Sasterawan Negara, unlike in Singapore where the literatures of all the main language streams are recognised and honoured with the Cultural Medallion, etc.
We have learned we can’t expect the government to grant us scholarships. Some will get those, but countless others won’t. We’ve learned to live with that and to work extra hard in order to support our children to attain higher education – because education is very important to us. We experience a lot of daily pressure to achieve that. Unfortunately, not many non-Chinese realise or understand that. In fact, many Chinese had no choice but to emigrate for the sake of their children’s further education. Or to accept scholarships from abroad, many from Singapore, which has inevitably led to a brain drain.
The writer of the Utusan article says the Chinese “account for most of the students” enrolled in “the best private colleges in Malaysia”. Even so, the Chinese still have to pay a lot of money to have their children study in these colleges. And to earn that money, the parents have to work very hard. The money does not fall from the sky.
The writer goes on to add: “The Malays can gain admission into only government-owned colleges of ordinary reputation.” That is utter nonsense. Some of these colleges are meant for the cream of the Malay crop of students and are endowed with the best facilities. They are given elite treatment.
The writer also fails to acknowledge that the Chinese are barred from being admitted to some of these colleges. As a result, the Chinese are forced to pay more money to go to private colleges. Furthermore, the Malays are also welcome to enrol in the private colleges, and many of them do. It’s, after all, a free enterprise.
Plain and simple reason
The writer claims that the Chinese live “in the lap of luxury” and lead lives that are “more than ordinary” whereas the Malays in Singapore, their minority-race counterparts there, lead “ordinary lives”. Such sweeping statements sound inane especially when they are not backed up by definitions of “lap of luxury” and “ordinary lives”. They sound hysterical, if not hilarious as well, when they are not backed up by evidence. It’s surprising that a national daily like Utusan Malaysia would publish something as idiosyncratic as that. And the Straits Times too.
All smiles from PM Najib
The writer quotes from a survey that said eight of the 10 richest people in Malaysia are Chinese. Well, if these people are where they are, it must have also come from hard work and prudent business sense. Is that something to be faulted?
If the writer had said that some of them achieved greater wealth through being given crony privileges and lucrative contracts by the government, there might be a point, but even then, it would still take hard work and business acumen to secure success. Certainly, Syed Mokhtar Al-Bukhary, who is one of the 10, would take exception if it were said that he has not worked hard and lacks business savvy.
Most important, it should be noted that the eight Chinese tycoons mentioned in the survey represent but a minuscule percentage of the wider Chinese Malaysian population. To extrapolate that because eight Chinese are filthy rich, the rest of the Chinese must therefore live in the lap of luxury and lead more than ordinary lives would be a mockery of the truth. The writer has obviously not met the vast numbers of very poor Chinese.
The crux of the writer’s article is that the Chinese are not grateful to the government by not voting for Barisan Nasional at the Hulu Selangor by-election. But this demonstrates the thinking of either a simple mind or a closed one.
Why did the Chinese by and large not vote for BN? Because it’s corrupt. Plain and simple. Let’s call a spade a spade. And BN showed how corrupt it was during the campaign by throwing bribes to the electorate, including promising RM3 million to the Chinese school in Rasa.
The Chinese were not alone in seeing this corruption. The figures are unofficial but one could assume that at least 40 per cent of Malays and 45 per cent of Indians who voted against BN in that by-election also had their eyes open.
So, what’s wrong with not supporting a government that is corrupt? If the government is corrupt, do we continue to support it?
To answer the question then, what do the Chinese want? They want a government that is not corrupt; that can govern well and proves to have done so; that tells the truth rather than lies; that follows the rule of law; that upholds rather than abuses the country’s sacred institutions. BN does not fit that description, so the Chinese don’t vote for it. This is not what only the Chinese want. It is something every sensible Malaysian, regardless of race, wants. Is that something that is too difficult to understand?
Some people think that the government is to be equated with the country, and therefore if someone does not support the government, they are being disloyal to the country. This is a complete fallacy. BN is not Malaysia. It is merely a political coalition that is the government of the day. Rejecting BN is not rejecting the country.
A sense of belonging
Let’s be clear about this important distinction. In America, the people sometimes vote for the Democrats and sometimes for the Republicans. Voting against the one that is in government at the time is not considered disloyalty to the country.
Banner reads 'We are Malaysians too'
By the same token, voting against Umno is also voting against a party, not against a race. And if the Chinese or whoever criticise Umno, they are criticising the party; they are not criticising Malays. It just happens that Umno’s leaders are Malay.
It is time all Malaysians realised this so that we can once and for all dispel the confusion. Let us no more confuse country with government. We can love our country and at the same time hate the government. It is perfectly all right.
I should add here what the Chinese don’t want. We don’t want to be insulted, to be called pendatang, or told to be grateful for our citizenship. We have been loyal citizens; we duly and dutifully pay taxes; we respect the country’s constitution and its institutions. Our forefathers came to this country generations ago and helped it to prosper. We are continuing to contribute to the country's growth and development.
Would anyone like to be disparaged, made to feel unwelcome, unwanted? For the benefit of the writer of the Utusan article, what MCA president Chua Soi Lek means when he says the MCA needs to be more vocal is that it needs to speak up whenever the Chinese community is disparaged. For too long, the MCA has not spoken up strongly enough when Umno politicians and associates like Ahmad Ismail, Nasir Safar, Ahmad Noh and others before them insulted the Chinese and made them feel like they don’t belong. That’s why the Chinese have largely rejected the MCA.
You see, the Chinese, like all human beings, want self-respect. And a sense of belonging in this country they call home. That is all the Chinese want, and have always wanted. Nothing more.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Dramatist and journalist Kee Thuan Chye is the author of 'March 8: The Day Malaysia Woke Up'. He is a contributor to Free Malaysia Today.
2010年5月20日星期四
《汤杯·楼阁·果陀》转载南洋商报言论版的文章
汤杯·楼阁·果陀●陈永华
2010/05/18 6:34:22 PM
●陈永华
我国的汤杯征战结束了。国家队比赛的那几天,平时车水马龙的路变得畅顺,还没到黄金时间的嘛嘛档已高朋满桌。国人倾情国球,以最实际的行动来支持国家队,万众一心,渴望把久违的汤杯留在马国。
可惜,事与愿违, 中国队毕竟技高一筹(其实,何止一筹),将我们打得落花流水。马来西亚人民的热情盼望,其实是一厢情愿的想法。把我们放在秤砣上和中国队“比一比斤两”的话,秤砣会歪向中国一边。羽总说会开会检讨失利的原因,只是公关秀一场,明眼人都看得出原因在哪,还要开会?
在球场上竞技,是公平的比赛,也是残忍的现实。理性的人,不会把希望寄托在国家队身上。连自由人身份、年届33的黄宗翰都重新征召归队的马来西亚,凭什么和其他强旅争汤杯?
而看见“廉颇已老“的宗翰却被推上沙场时的不堪,真有冲动想把那些管理羽总的家伙给痛打一顿。
一厢情愿织夺杯奢望
而是什么样的国民性格,会令国人对于汤杯抱以奢望?我们这种一厢情愿的想法,其实,不仅于在球场上。
在十多年前,全球经济一片火红,许多人从股票的纸面上获得巨额财富。前首相提出2020宏愿,许多人都为之倾倒。被金钱冲昏了头脑的人忘记了,一两年里所堆砌出来的高股市指数,其实是因为大量热钱的涌入而不是基于需求和供应所创造出来的。当时,没人提出警告或疑问:我们凭什么可以晋身先进国之列?或许,有人提出了,但我们对他的提问抱以讥笑,冷漠。
后来,金融风暴来袭,满街都是“大闸蟹“。当局把矛头直指金融大鳄索洛斯,把他说成是罪魁祸首,却没有反省自身的过错。在全民皆股民,发疯似地炒卖股票,地皮的时候,并没有去引导人民理性投资,制止热钱的窜流和建立更良好的制度。这岂非变相鼓励人民炒股?该做的没做,如同引领人民“去荷兰“?索洛斯才懒得回应,只淡淡地说了一句:“我不过是根据游戏规则去游戏。”
未质疑宏愿如何达成
苦日子过得怕了,人民宁愿选择去相信一切都是美好的,未来是光明的。许多人都随政客的口沫起舞,到处都是2020,连茶室,学校都取名宏愿。 谁能怪罪这些人民呢?结果,2020 宏愿,再没有人提起了。
可,思维方式是长期训练的产物,它不会在短期内改变的。2020 宏愿被提出的若干年后,人民再次盲目的相信另“一个”口号。那一个喧天哗地,哪怕是聋人盲人死人也逃不过的口号。没有人去质疑提出者如何去达成这口号,而这口号的达成的基本条件,譬如立法公平对待所有族群,立法保障出版与言论自由,政府工程公开投标,反贪污委员会直接向国会负责……当局是否有意愿去达成,没人去理,无人敢问。这不正是不问“我们拿什么来争汤杯”,却盲目的乐观地相信“我们可以重夺汤杯“的相同态度?
人民无法不乐观,日子可以坏,但心情要保持愉快。受恶法钳制,官僚主义盛行,经济疲弱,资源被控制,为朋党独享……现实只能被知道,不需要被懂,因为努力探讨随之而来的无力感,让人逃避,不敢正视自己。你怎么努力去做一个好公民,政客都把你扣上“不爱国”,“反对某族群”,“激进派”的帽子。
哀莫大于心死的无奈
因为教育政策的失败而不谙国语的人,明明是受害者,却被说成不爱国,还被人挑畔叫你回中国;支持华文教育的被诬蔑成反对国民团结;明明是官员们的职责,却还要三催四请地求他帮忙;明明是我们的纳税钱,却被要挟胜选了才给你。。。这些难道就不是叫我们哀莫大于心死,不敢追问的最重要原因?后来我们从经验得出结论:想要开心的话,唯有做一个唯乐观是主的乐观派。
所以,为何国民容易被不切实际的口号或计划弄得昂奋,热情投入?因为一个精神寄托落空后,需要另一个去承托。这趟汤杯旅程的结束,其实是国运的浓缩身影。所谓的世界第一男单和男双,在战场上竟然如此不济。现实是残酷,对不理性的人更是无情。
马来西亚一代又一代勤奋的人被无耻政客耍弄,痴望眼前的空中楼阁,梦想一天能爬上去,天天被迫演出《等待果陀〉的荒谬悲剧
2010/05/18 6:34:22 PM
●陈永华
我国的汤杯征战结束了。国家队比赛的那几天,平时车水马龙的路变得畅顺,还没到黄金时间的嘛嘛档已高朋满桌。国人倾情国球,以最实际的行动来支持国家队,万众一心,渴望把久违的汤杯留在马国。
可惜,事与愿违, 中国队毕竟技高一筹(其实,何止一筹),将我们打得落花流水。马来西亚人民的热情盼望,其实是一厢情愿的想法。把我们放在秤砣上和中国队“比一比斤两”的话,秤砣会歪向中国一边。羽总说会开会检讨失利的原因,只是公关秀一场,明眼人都看得出原因在哪,还要开会?
在球场上竞技,是公平的比赛,也是残忍的现实。理性的人,不会把希望寄托在国家队身上。连自由人身份、年届33的黄宗翰都重新征召归队的马来西亚,凭什么和其他强旅争汤杯?
而看见“廉颇已老“的宗翰却被推上沙场时的不堪,真有冲动想把那些管理羽总的家伙给痛打一顿。
一厢情愿织夺杯奢望
而是什么样的国民性格,会令国人对于汤杯抱以奢望?我们这种一厢情愿的想法,其实,不仅于在球场上。
在十多年前,全球经济一片火红,许多人从股票的纸面上获得巨额财富。前首相提出2020宏愿,许多人都为之倾倒。被金钱冲昏了头脑的人忘记了,一两年里所堆砌出来的高股市指数,其实是因为大量热钱的涌入而不是基于需求和供应所创造出来的。当时,没人提出警告或疑问:我们凭什么可以晋身先进国之列?或许,有人提出了,但我们对他的提问抱以讥笑,冷漠。
后来,金融风暴来袭,满街都是“大闸蟹“。当局把矛头直指金融大鳄索洛斯,把他说成是罪魁祸首,却没有反省自身的过错。在全民皆股民,发疯似地炒卖股票,地皮的时候,并没有去引导人民理性投资,制止热钱的窜流和建立更良好的制度。这岂非变相鼓励人民炒股?该做的没做,如同引领人民“去荷兰“?索洛斯才懒得回应,只淡淡地说了一句:“我不过是根据游戏规则去游戏。”
未质疑宏愿如何达成
苦日子过得怕了,人民宁愿选择去相信一切都是美好的,未来是光明的。许多人都随政客的口沫起舞,到处都是2020,连茶室,学校都取名宏愿。 谁能怪罪这些人民呢?结果,2020 宏愿,再没有人提起了。
可,思维方式是长期训练的产物,它不会在短期内改变的。2020 宏愿被提出的若干年后,人民再次盲目的相信另“一个”口号。那一个喧天哗地,哪怕是聋人盲人死人也逃不过的口号。没有人去质疑提出者如何去达成这口号,而这口号的达成的基本条件,譬如立法公平对待所有族群,立法保障出版与言论自由,政府工程公开投标,反贪污委员会直接向国会负责……当局是否有意愿去达成,没人去理,无人敢问。这不正是不问“我们拿什么来争汤杯”,却盲目的乐观地相信“我们可以重夺汤杯“的相同态度?
人民无法不乐观,日子可以坏,但心情要保持愉快。受恶法钳制,官僚主义盛行,经济疲弱,资源被控制,为朋党独享……现实只能被知道,不需要被懂,因为努力探讨随之而来的无力感,让人逃避,不敢正视自己。你怎么努力去做一个好公民,政客都把你扣上“不爱国”,“反对某族群”,“激进派”的帽子。
哀莫大于心死的无奈
因为教育政策的失败而不谙国语的人,明明是受害者,却被说成不爱国,还被人挑畔叫你回中国;支持华文教育的被诬蔑成反对国民团结;明明是官员们的职责,却还要三催四请地求他帮忙;明明是我们的纳税钱,却被要挟胜选了才给你。。。这些难道就不是叫我们哀莫大于心死,不敢追问的最重要原因?后来我们从经验得出结论:想要开心的话,唯有做一个唯乐观是主的乐观派。
所以,为何国民容易被不切实际的口号或计划弄得昂奋,热情投入?因为一个精神寄托落空后,需要另一个去承托。这趟汤杯旅程的结束,其实是国运的浓缩身影。所谓的世界第一男单和男双,在战场上竟然如此不济。现实是残酷,对不理性的人更是无情。
马来西亚一代又一代勤奋的人被无耻政客耍弄,痴望眼前的空中楼阁,梦想一天能爬上去,天天被迫演出《等待果陀〉的荒谬悲剧
2010年5月19日星期三
狭隘的偏见——转载自《前锋报》的文章
一直以来对《马来西亚前锋报》没有好感,觉得这份种族色彩浓厚的报章是阻碍我国多元种族团结的幕后黑手。
今天我特意浏览了这个素有巫统党报称号的网站,顺便阅读了以下这篇文章,心里头万般滋味杂陈,很不好受。于是决定把这篇文章转载到我的部落格,让各位亲自阅读,让大家了解《前锋报》如何在马来社群进行恶意的煽动,导致马来西亚国民团结的进展脚步蹒跚,步履艰难的真正原因。
我应该会把这篇文章翻译成中文,让不谙国语的朋友也有机会看清《前锋报》的丑恶面目。
难怪民主行动党会严厉杯葛这份报章!
ARKIB : 28/04/2010
Orang Cina Malaysia, apa lagi yang anda mahu?
CUIT ZAINI HASSAN
SUDAH banyak kali saya menulis mengenai sikap sahabat kita, orang Cina Malaysia terhadap kerajaan yang ada sekarang. Saya juga sering mengaitkan cita-cita DAP yang mahu 'pulun' semua sekali pengaruh Cina di negara ini.
Seperti mana yang saya tulis sebelum ini, DAP sejak akhir-akhir ini sungguh senyap dalam pergerakannya. Di Selangor pun ia senyap, di Pulau Pinang pun ia mulai senyap, di Perak pun begitu. Senyap-senyap DAP sebenarnya diam-diam berisi.
Gerakan halus mereka bergerak kencang. Harus diingat arus bawah lebih bahaya berbanding ombak di atas. Tapi apakah BN sedar dengan strategi DAP itu. Jika kira-kira 30 tahun dulu, malah 20 tahun dulu, orang Melayu generasi saya amat cuak dengan DAP atas sikap cauvinisnya, kini generasi Melayu sekarang tidak tahu itu semua. Mereka sudah tidak peduli.
Mereka tidak membaca pun buku 13 Mei yang ditulis oleh Tunku Abdul Rahman dan mereka tidak pernah tahu pun wujudnya perarakan penyapu oleh DAP yang mahu menyapu orang Melayu pada masa itu.
Bukan tujuan saya mahu membangkitkan rasa benci kepada parti itu atau kepada sesiapa, tapi ia adalah sejarah yang semua orang anak-anak Melayu, Cina, India, Orang Asli malah sesiapa sahaja harus dan berhak tahu mengenainya.
Saya pernah menyarankan supaya buku 13 Mei itu dijadikan teks di sekolah. Matapelajaran sejarah yang sesetengah daripada orang Melayu sendiri amat membencinya, harus diperkuatkan semula. Aspek kenegaraan, soal-soal realiti kemalaysiaan harus diterapkan.
Masukkan juga satu subjek mengenai konsep 1Malaysia yang sudah mulai disukai ramai itu. Sejarah silam dan aspek kontemporari harus disatukan menjadi satu subjek wajib, yang harus diikuti oleh semua pelajar, bukan sahaja pelajar Sastera, malah juga pelajar Sains.
Tujuan saya membangkitkan semula perkara ini bukanlah bermakna saya ini ultra-Melayu, tetapi untuk menyatakan mengenai realiti politik yang berlaku di sekeliling kita sekarang.
Pilihan raya kecil Hulu Selangor amat unik. Dalam sains politik, ia amat menarik untuk dikaji bagaimana orang Cina (bukan semua, tapi rata-rata) masih tidak mahu kembali kepada parti kerajaan.
Apa lagi yang mereka mahu? Apakah mereka masih merasakan merekalah penentu kepada sesuatu keputusan pilihan raya di negara ini?
Perlulah diingat pilihan raya umum 2008 bukanlah satu ujian sebenar bagi proses demokrasi di negara ini. Ia terlalu artifial. Tsunami yang berlaku adalah akibat kemarahan rakyat kepada kerajaan ketika itu dan kecelaruan fikiran orang Melayu ketika itu.
Akibatnya, DAP telah berjaya mencuri peluang itu. Orang Cina ramai-ramai memihak kepada mereka dan berlakulah tsunami politik yang tidak pernah berlaku dalam sejarah Malaysia.
Tapi jika diambil Hulu Selangor sebagai model pilihan raya umum ke-13 kelak, orang Cina bukanlah (lagi) penentu kepada keputusannya. Orang Melayu masih lagi menjadi faktor mutlak bagi menentukan kepada keputusan itu, dengan syarat - mereka bersatu.
Bersatupun, mereka haruslah secara majoriti menyokong kerajaan dan orang India pun turut serta memberi undi kepada parti kerajaan, maka ketika itu orang Cina bukanlah penentunya. Kecualilah jika orang India dan Cina solid lari daripada BN, maka BN akan tersungkur.
Namun, hakikatnya angka majoriti undi BN di Hulu Selangor bukan lagi satu gambaran kepada kemenangan sebenar. Itu pilihan raya kecil. Semua jentera tertumpu di sini. Dalam pilihan raya umum situasinya adalah jauh berbeza.
Secara angka, Melayu Hulu Selangor pun masih tidak solid. Kita tidak pasti apa lagi yang mereka mahu. Semua yang mereka mahu sudah diberi. UMNO pun sudah tunjuk perubahan. Seorang rakan memberitahu ''mungkin kita perlu pendekatan radikal untuk menyelesaikan masalah yang tenat."
Namun, keputusan Hulu Selangor amat disenangi oleh Lim Kit Siang. Beliau dalam ucapannya di rapat umum penutup selepas keputusan kekalahan mereka diumumkan, memberitahu para hadirian yang rata-rata terdiri daripada orang Melayu, keputusan itu sebenarnya ialah kejayaan kepada 'rakyat' Hulu Selangor.
Tanpa mahu menyentuh perasaan orang Melayu di situ, beliau sebenarnya merujuk 'rakyat' itu sebagai orang Cina Hulu Selangor yang rata-rata tidak memberi undi kepada BN, tapi sebaliknya memihak kepada DAP.
Kit Siang ternyata amat gembira, sebaliknya Dr. Chua Soi Lek dan Dr. Koh Tsu Koon yang gagal.
Ironisnya, apa pula maksud Soi Lek apabila beliau berkata ''MCA kena vokal''? Saya pun tak tau?
Orang Cina Malaysia, apa lagi yang anda mahu?TAJUK di atas penuh bermakna. Apa lagi yang orang Cina Malaysia mahukan? Kita tolak dulu sebab-musabab mereka tidak menyokong kerajaan yang ada sekarang. Kita kaji dulu apa lagi yang mereka mahu?
Ikut sejarahnya orang Cina berhijrah ke Tanah Melayu ini untuk mencari peluang. Mereka hidup susah di tanah besar China ratusan tahun dulu. Seperti mana orang putih berhijrah ke benua Amerika untuk mencari peluang, begitu jugalah orang Cina yang kini menghuni di negara bertuah Malaysia ini.
Ternyata, percaturan datuk moyang mereka dulu berbaloi. Mereka dapat apa yang mereka mahukan. Mereka hidup mewah di bumi bertuah Malaysia ini.
Malah, bukan Malaysia sahaja, Singapura pun mereka kuasai sepenuhnya. Singapura bukanlah negara asal mereka. Orang Cina Singapura pun asalnya adalah dari tongkang yang sama bersama-sama orang Cina Malaysia. Cuba bezanya, Singapura berjaya dikuasai sepenuhnya, dan Malaysia tidak.
Di Malaysia, orang Cina hidup aman damai bersama-sama orang Melayu, Pribumi dan India. Berbeza dengan di Singapura, di sana orang Cina yang menguasai politik dan sekaligus pemerintahan negara itu. Di Malaysia, politik dan kerajaannya masih lagi dikuasai oleh orang Melayu.
Sistem kedua-dua negara itu sama, cuma ia terbalik sahaja. Orang Melayu di sini, orang Cina di sebelah tambak itu.
Bezanya orang Melayu di Singapura dan orang Cina di Malaysia amat berlainan sekali. Orang Melayu di Singapura hidup biasa-biasa sahaja. Orang Cina di Malaysia hidup lebih daripada biasa-biasa.
Malah Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad pernah memberi gambaran sekiranya semua bangunan orang Cina di Kuala Lumpur diangkat dari peta, yang tinggal hanyalah Kampung Baru itu sahaja. Semua yang lain ialah kepunyaan orang Cina Malaysia.
Orang Cina Malaysia amat hebat. Kesemua pekan-pekan besar dan bandar-bandar di seluruh Semenanjung, Sabah dan Sarawak dikuasai mereka.
Mereka juga berjaya melahirkan para profesional yang paling ramai dan berjaya. Sistem sekolah Cina mereka adalah antara yang terbaik di mana-mana sahaja di dunia ini (jika ada).
Kebanyakan pelajar-pelajar di kolej-kolej swasta yang terbaik di Malaysia dipenuhi oleh pelajar-pelajar Cina. Orang Melayu hanya mampu ke kolej milik kerajaan dan yang tidak ternama. Pusat-pusat membeli belah di kompleks-kompleks ternama di Malaysia dipunyai oleh orang Cina.
Di organisasi korporat dan swasta, orang Cinalah yang menguasainya. Orang Melayu boleh di bilang jari dan pekerja bawahan. Malah, kini mahu mohon kerja di situ pun perlu faham cakap Mandarin, sebagai prasyaratnya.
Akhir sekali, orang paling terkaya di Malaysia yang banciannya dijalankan saban tahun oleh sebuah majalah busines di Malaysia mendapati lapan orang Cina yang berada di 10 ke atas. Berikut adalah senarai 10 orang terkaya di Malaysia.
1. Robert Kuok Hock Nien 2. Tatparanandam Ananda Krishnan 3. Tan Sri Lee Shin Cheng 4. Tan Sri Teh Hong Piow 5. Tan Sri Lim Kok Thay 6. Tan Sri Quek Leng Chan 7. Tan Sri Syed Mokhtar Albukhry 8. Puan Seri Lee Kim Hua 9. Tan Sri Tiong Hiew King 10. Tan Sri Vincent Tan Chee Yioun. (Sumber: Malaysian Business, Feb 2010)
Itulah hakikatnya Malaysia tanah airku yang tercinta ini. Apakah kerajaan sekarang yang sudah memerintah 52 tahun ini terlalu zalim, kejam dan kuku besi?
Apa lagi yang orang Cina Malaysia mahukan? Tapi saya tahu, anda tahu jawapannya.
今天我特意浏览了这个素有巫统党报称号的网站,顺便阅读了以下这篇文章,心里头万般滋味杂陈,很不好受。于是决定把这篇文章转载到我的部落格,让各位亲自阅读,让大家了解《前锋报》如何在马来社群进行恶意的煽动,导致马来西亚国民团结的进展脚步蹒跚,步履艰难的真正原因。
我应该会把这篇文章翻译成中文,让不谙国语的朋友也有机会看清《前锋报》的丑恶面目。
难怪民主行动党会严厉杯葛这份报章!
ARKIB : 28/04/2010
Orang Cina Malaysia, apa lagi yang anda mahu?
CUIT ZAINI HASSAN
SUDAH banyak kali saya menulis mengenai sikap sahabat kita, orang Cina Malaysia terhadap kerajaan yang ada sekarang. Saya juga sering mengaitkan cita-cita DAP yang mahu 'pulun' semua sekali pengaruh Cina di negara ini.
Seperti mana yang saya tulis sebelum ini, DAP sejak akhir-akhir ini sungguh senyap dalam pergerakannya. Di Selangor pun ia senyap, di Pulau Pinang pun ia mulai senyap, di Perak pun begitu. Senyap-senyap DAP sebenarnya diam-diam berisi.
Gerakan halus mereka bergerak kencang. Harus diingat arus bawah lebih bahaya berbanding ombak di atas. Tapi apakah BN sedar dengan strategi DAP itu. Jika kira-kira 30 tahun dulu, malah 20 tahun dulu, orang Melayu generasi saya amat cuak dengan DAP atas sikap cauvinisnya, kini generasi Melayu sekarang tidak tahu itu semua. Mereka sudah tidak peduli.
Mereka tidak membaca pun buku 13 Mei yang ditulis oleh Tunku Abdul Rahman dan mereka tidak pernah tahu pun wujudnya perarakan penyapu oleh DAP yang mahu menyapu orang Melayu pada masa itu.
Bukan tujuan saya mahu membangkitkan rasa benci kepada parti itu atau kepada sesiapa, tapi ia adalah sejarah yang semua orang anak-anak Melayu, Cina, India, Orang Asli malah sesiapa sahaja harus dan berhak tahu mengenainya.
Saya pernah menyarankan supaya buku 13 Mei itu dijadikan teks di sekolah. Matapelajaran sejarah yang sesetengah daripada orang Melayu sendiri amat membencinya, harus diperkuatkan semula. Aspek kenegaraan, soal-soal realiti kemalaysiaan harus diterapkan.
Masukkan juga satu subjek mengenai konsep 1Malaysia yang sudah mulai disukai ramai itu. Sejarah silam dan aspek kontemporari harus disatukan menjadi satu subjek wajib, yang harus diikuti oleh semua pelajar, bukan sahaja pelajar Sastera, malah juga pelajar Sains.
Tujuan saya membangkitkan semula perkara ini bukanlah bermakna saya ini ultra-Melayu, tetapi untuk menyatakan mengenai realiti politik yang berlaku di sekeliling kita sekarang.
Pilihan raya kecil Hulu Selangor amat unik. Dalam sains politik, ia amat menarik untuk dikaji bagaimana orang Cina (bukan semua, tapi rata-rata) masih tidak mahu kembali kepada parti kerajaan.
Apa lagi yang mereka mahu? Apakah mereka masih merasakan merekalah penentu kepada sesuatu keputusan pilihan raya di negara ini?
Perlulah diingat pilihan raya umum 2008 bukanlah satu ujian sebenar bagi proses demokrasi di negara ini. Ia terlalu artifial. Tsunami yang berlaku adalah akibat kemarahan rakyat kepada kerajaan ketika itu dan kecelaruan fikiran orang Melayu ketika itu.
Akibatnya, DAP telah berjaya mencuri peluang itu. Orang Cina ramai-ramai memihak kepada mereka dan berlakulah tsunami politik yang tidak pernah berlaku dalam sejarah Malaysia.
Tapi jika diambil Hulu Selangor sebagai model pilihan raya umum ke-13 kelak, orang Cina bukanlah (lagi) penentu kepada keputusannya. Orang Melayu masih lagi menjadi faktor mutlak bagi menentukan kepada keputusan itu, dengan syarat - mereka bersatu.
Bersatupun, mereka haruslah secara majoriti menyokong kerajaan dan orang India pun turut serta memberi undi kepada parti kerajaan, maka ketika itu orang Cina bukanlah penentunya. Kecualilah jika orang India dan Cina solid lari daripada BN, maka BN akan tersungkur.
Namun, hakikatnya angka majoriti undi BN di Hulu Selangor bukan lagi satu gambaran kepada kemenangan sebenar. Itu pilihan raya kecil. Semua jentera tertumpu di sini. Dalam pilihan raya umum situasinya adalah jauh berbeza.
Secara angka, Melayu Hulu Selangor pun masih tidak solid. Kita tidak pasti apa lagi yang mereka mahu. Semua yang mereka mahu sudah diberi. UMNO pun sudah tunjuk perubahan. Seorang rakan memberitahu ''mungkin kita perlu pendekatan radikal untuk menyelesaikan masalah yang tenat."
Namun, keputusan Hulu Selangor amat disenangi oleh Lim Kit Siang. Beliau dalam ucapannya di rapat umum penutup selepas keputusan kekalahan mereka diumumkan, memberitahu para hadirian yang rata-rata terdiri daripada orang Melayu, keputusan itu sebenarnya ialah kejayaan kepada 'rakyat' Hulu Selangor.
Tanpa mahu menyentuh perasaan orang Melayu di situ, beliau sebenarnya merujuk 'rakyat' itu sebagai orang Cina Hulu Selangor yang rata-rata tidak memberi undi kepada BN, tapi sebaliknya memihak kepada DAP.
Kit Siang ternyata amat gembira, sebaliknya Dr. Chua Soi Lek dan Dr. Koh Tsu Koon yang gagal.
Ironisnya, apa pula maksud Soi Lek apabila beliau berkata ''MCA kena vokal''? Saya pun tak tau?
Orang Cina Malaysia, apa lagi yang anda mahu?TAJUK di atas penuh bermakna. Apa lagi yang orang Cina Malaysia mahukan? Kita tolak dulu sebab-musabab mereka tidak menyokong kerajaan yang ada sekarang. Kita kaji dulu apa lagi yang mereka mahu?
Ikut sejarahnya orang Cina berhijrah ke Tanah Melayu ini untuk mencari peluang. Mereka hidup susah di tanah besar China ratusan tahun dulu. Seperti mana orang putih berhijrah ke benua Amerika untuk mencari peluang, begitu jugalah orang Cina yang kini menghuni di negara bertuah Malaysia ini.
Ternyata, percaturan datuk moyang mereka dulu berbaloi. Mereka dapat apa yang mereka mahukan. Mereka hidup mewah di bumi bertuah Malaysia ini.
Malah, bukan Malaysia sahaja, Singapura pun mereka kuasai sepenuhnya. Singapura bukanlah negara asal mereka. Orang Cina Singapura pun asalnya adalah dari tongkang yang sama bersama-sama orang Cina Malaysia. Cuba bezanya, Singapura berjaya dikuasai sepenuhnya, dan Malaysia tidak.
Di Malaysia, orang Cina hidup aman damai bersama-sama orang Melayu, Pribumi dan India. Berbeza dengan di Singapura, di sana orang Cina yang menguasai politik dan sekaligus pemerintahan negara itu. Di Malaysia, politik dan kerajaannya masih lagi dikuasai oleh orang Melayu.
Sistem kedua-dua negara itu sama, cuma ia terbalik sahaja. Orang Melayu di sini, orang Cina di sebelah tambak itu.
Bezanya orang Melayu di Singapura dan orang Cina di Malaysia amat berlainan sekali. Orang Melayu di Singapura hidup biasa-biasa sahaja. Orang Cina di Malaysia hidup lebih daripada biasa-biasa.
Malah Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad pernah memberi gambaran sekiranya semua bangunan orang Cina di Kuala Lumpur diangkat dari peta, yang tinggal hanyalah Kampung Baru itu sahaja. Semua yang lain ialah kepunyaan orang Cina Malaysia.
Orang Cina Malaysia amat hebat. Kesemua pekan-pekan besar dan bandar-bandar di seluruh Semenanjung, Sabah dan Sarawak dikuasai mereka.
Mereka juga berjaya melahirkan para profesional yang paling ramai dan berjaya. Sistem sekolah Cina mereka adalah antara yang terbaik di mana-mana sahaja di dunia ini (jika ada).
Kebanyakan pelajar-pelajar di kolej-kolej swasta yang terbaik di Malaysia dipenuhi oleh pelajar-pelajar Cina. Orang Melayu hanya mampu ke kolej milik kerajaan dan yang tidak ternama. Pusat-pusat membeli belah di kompleks-kompleks ternama di Malaysia dipunyai oleh orang Cina.
Di organisasi korporat dan swasta, orang Cinalah yang menguasainya. Orang Melayu boleh di bilang jari dan pekerja bawahan. Malah, kini mahu mohon kerja di situ pun perlu faham cakap Mandarin, sebagai prasyaratnya.
Akhir sekali, orang paling terkaya di Malaysia yang banciannya dijalankan saban tahun oleh sebuah majalah busines di Malaysia mendapati lapan orang Cina yang berada di 10 ke atas. Berikut adalah senarai 10 orang terkaya di Malaysia.
1. Robert Kuok Hock Nien 2. Tatparanandam Ananda Krishnan 3. Tan Sri Lee Shin Cheng 4. Tan Sri Teh Hong Piow 5. Tan Sri Lim Kok Thay 6. Tan Sri Quek Leng Chan 7. Tan Sri Syed Mokhtar Albukhry 8. Puan Seri Lee Kim Hua 9. Tan Sri Tiong Hiew King 10. Tan Sri Vincent Tan Chee Yioun. (Sumber: Malaysian Business, Feb 2010)
Itulah hakikatnya Malaysia tanah airku yang tercinta ini. Apakah kerajaan sekarang yang sudah memerintah 52 tahun ini terlalu zalim, kejam dan kuku besi?
Apa lagi yang orang Cina Malaysia mahukan? Tapi saya tahu, anda tahu jawapannya.
2010年3月5日星期五
转载士拉央国会议员梁自坚的文章
以下是士拉央区国会议员梁自坚的文章。如有兴趣,仔细阅读,然后自己评断文章所要表达的信息。不需要你们发表任何偏激的言论,因为成熟的人内心自有判断。

Stand Up for Justice by William Leong Jee Keen, Member of Parliament for Selayang
On February 2, 2010, the battle for Malaysia moved into a decisive phase, the trial of Anwar Ibrahim. Although Anwar Ibrahim is in the dock, Malaysians are on trial. Malaysians are put to the test. Do Malaysians want Ketuanan Melayu or Ketuanan Rakyat? Are Malaysians prepared to pay the price for change? Are Malaysians prepared to fight for change? Malaysians have to decide whether to act or allow our institutions to be perverted for political ends.
Malaysians have to decide whether they want democracy, equality and liberty enough to fight for them. Malaysians are tested on their will to fight. Will we find the going too difficult? Will we find it easier, more convenient and expedient to accept rampant corruption, abuse of power and oppression? Anwar was fully aware after his release that they will lock him in again if he returns to fight. That is the price Anwar is prepared to pay. Anwar is prepared to fight. Anwar will never surrender The question is whether Malaysians are prepared to fight with him and never surrender?
Attempt to tar and tarnish Anwar
Anwar Ibrahim is in the dock for a second time because he wants to lead Malaysians out of the darkness of racial politics, religious intolerance and authoritarian arrogance. Anwar wants to lead us into the light of multiculturalism, mutual respect for religions and the rule of law.
Those in power are afraid of Anwar. They dare not face him one on one. They dare not face him and Pakatan Rakyat on a level playing field in open battle. They prefer to ambush him. They prefer to snipe at Pakatan from the cover of the bush. They dare not face all Malaysians in open debate. They prefer closed door meetings. They are so afraid they are continuously adopting ever increasingly extreme positions on race, religion and royalty to hold on to power. They want to tar and tarnish Anwar Ibrahim as a traitor to his race and religion. They want to make sure he will not be able to lead and to open the minds of those who have been closed by half a century of propaganda and misinformation.
Race, Religion and Royalty
It is no coincidence that before the trial, Muslims and Non-Muslims have to deal with such sensitive issues as the use of “Allah”, the burning and attack on churches and other places of worship and when the desired response was not forthcoming, suraus have been attacked. Malaysians were put to the test. I am proud to say that Malaysians passed the test. They showed Malaysians have the wisdom and the tolerance not to be provoked by these trouble makers.
It is no coincidence that these mischievous troublemakers have been desecrating religious symbols after the 12th General Elections. They stomped on cow heads and now resort to throwing boar heads. Boar heads wrapped in newspapers and plastic tied with a string so that the person throwing will not have to touch it. I have never come across a Chinese who hold a pig with a string!
It is no coincidence the special assistant to the Prime Minister calls Indians beggars and Chinese women prostitutes. Last year one of their leaders called Malaysians of Chinese descent “Pendatang”. It was a seditious statement. He was suspended as an UMNO member but it was Teresa Kok and a Chinese newspaper reporter that were detained under the ISA.
It is no coincidence Kapal Singh is charged for sedition for insulting the King. It is no coincidence that Biro Tata Negara holds civics courses for civil servants that race and religion comes before the nation. It is no coincidence we hear the repeated cries that only UMNO can save the race and religion.
Those that have tasted power and money that comes with it will not give up easily. They will use all means fair or foul to stay in power. They have used the government agencies. They have used the institutions. They have used the institutions to grab Perak from its people’s government. They have used all in their power grab the Perak government from its people. They are using all within their power to destabilize Selangor. They are now using all their power to lock away Anwar.
Malaysians must fight back.
People want Change
All these happened because you want change. All these desperate acts are because you want fairness, you want justice, and you want the rule of law. Today we are tested again. We were tested 10 years ago. Too many of us then were afraid. Too many of us then knew it was wrong but we had property to look after, we had our business to think about, we had a wife and family. Let someone else protest. Let someone else demonstrate. We will cheer from the safety of our homes. We will stay on the sidelines out of harm’s way.
We failed. Ketuanan Melayu won. Ketuanan Mahathir won. Ketuanan wang won. The system was perverted so they could put Anwar away. Anwar was jailed for 6 years but they damaged our constitutional institutions and took away our fundamental rights in the process.
For some of those that stayed on the sidelines because they had property, the perverted system stole their property. The Federal Court decision of Adorna Properties vs Boonsom Boonyanit turned Malaysia into a thieves’ paradise.
For some of those that stayed out of harm’s way because they had a business, the perverted system robbed them of their business. The Federal Court decision of Insas Berhad vs Ayer Molek was so unjust the judge said that “ Something is rotten in the House of Denmark” [where the courts were located at that time].
The police and enforcement agencies instead of protecting us became a danger to us. Kugan went into a police station and was found dead. Teoh Beng Hock went to the MACC office and was found dead. Altantuya went into a police car and was found blown into bits by C4.
Malaysians did not go to jail with Anwar in 1998 but Malaysian paid the price for allowing the checks and balance to be dismantled. Malaysians allowed the institutions to be perverted. Malaysians allowed our agencies to be abused. Malaysians are paying for it.
Today the script is taken out a second time. Are we going to allow them to win a second time? Are we going to stay silent again? Are we going to let them take us down the road to perdition again?
Are we going to allow them to win a second time? Are we going to stay silent? Are we going to let them take us down the road to perdition again? Or are we going to stand up? Are we going to shout in one voice and say Stop this nonsense! Are we going to say give Malaysia back to Malaysians! Give us back our pride and dignity. Stop taking us for fools.
The people have woken up that the people can make a difference. Each vote counts. Each vote can make or break us. But there are still those who have not woken up. They are still those who cannot see. They read Utusan Malaysia and The Star. There are still those who have not heard. They listen to RTM. There are still those who do not realize that UMNO and BN are taking Malaysia to the backwaters. They are frightened by the propaganda and the misinformation. This is why Dato Seri Anwar and KeADILan are important. Dato Seri Anwar can touch them. Dato Seri Anwar can touch their hearts and their minds. KeADILan can show Malaysians we can have a multiracial party, a multicultural party, a multicultural nation and together we can regain our place in the international arena. We can regain our pride and dignity.We can live in harmony and prosperity.
Frustration and Despair
On March 8, 2008, you voted for change. I know today you are frustrated, angry and in despair. The mainstream BN controlled media reports that the three parties in Pakatan Rakyat are bickering amongst themselves. Perak was lost because three elected representatives jumped across. Zulkifli Nordin is running around and saying things that UMNO will say and not what Pakatan Rakyat MP will say. Zahrain Hashim, Tan Tee Beng and Wee Choo Keong are given wide media coverage for saying that things are not all going well in Pakatan. What, you ask, is going on?
Firstly, if we believe in the freedom of expression, we must accept that just as some people will not like to hear what we have to say, we have to accept that these people will also have the right to say what we do not like to hear. Secondly, if we believe in the rule of law and the rules of natural justice, then we must apply the rule that no man is to be condemned unheard. The right to be heard is an important rule of procedure. If we believe in these principles then we must follow them. Party discipline will be instilled. Those who can explain and justify their actions will be excused, those who cannot will be dealt with and punished in a manner that fits the severity of the offence. The party will cleanse the impurities and straighten the indiscipline.
Traitors
KeADILan representatives have been tested and are constantly being tested. Unfortunately, several have failed the tests. If you are angry and frustrated, I am angry and frustrated one hundred times more than you. The problem of traitors and treason has been with us since history began. We will never know what lurks in the hearts of men. Caesar found out too late and was assassinated by Brutus his closest friend. Jesus Christ was betrayed by Judas, one of his own 12 handpicked apostles. France elected Marshall Petain to lead them in World War II against Germany only to see him surrender and hand over France to Hitler after only a few weeks. Americans appointed Benedict Arnold in their war of independence as its general only to see him cross over to the British.
However, I know that truth and right will always prevail for many more who answer the call and come forward. Marc Anthony came forward and saved the Romans from Brutus. The apostles spread the message of Jesus Christ after Judas. General Charles De Gaulle liberated the French from the Germans. George Washington won the war of independence for the Americans.
I take heart that there are many leaders in Pakatan Rakyat who are loyal and honest. They seek to serve, to strive and not to yield. I know that many more of you will come forward and offer yourselves to serve our cause.
Focus
You and I started a journey on March 8. We are walking on a tight rope from the 12th General Elections to the 13th General Elections. We have to focus on the rope in front of us. BN is trying to shake us and throw us off balance. Some of those whom we trust have fallen and some others may fall in the days to come. You must know that in this walk you are not alone. There are many of us who will walk with you. We will walk with you and take you from the darkness in the valley of shadows to light at the mountain top. Nelson Mandela said it is a long walk to freedom. We must stay focussed in this walk. We must keep our faith and take heart that right and truth always prevail. We must take heart that if we hold on together we will overcome. It always has and always will.
Free Anwar
We must focus on the threat before us. It is not Anwar that is on trial. We, Malaysians, are on trial. The world is watching us. We, Malaysians, must stay the course. We must continue our fight for truth and justice. Anwar is a victim of injustice. Malaysians are victims of injustice. The trial is not Anwar’s fight alone. It is not Keadilan’s fight alone . It is all Malaysians’ fight. It’s everyone’s fight. All of us who desire democracy, justice and liberty must stand up and with one voice call on Najib to release Anwar, to release Malaysia. We must stand up and be counted. We must stand up against corruption, abuse of power and oppression. We must not allow those who use racial disharmony, religious sensitivities and misguided nationalism to rob us. The price of liberty is eternal vigilance. The price of justice is constant action. Justice and liberty must be fought and refought every day. We must be prepared to pay the price before we can begin to enjoy the blessings.
I am sure that if we stay focussed, if we stay together we will prevail.
2010年1月25日星期一
愿意赞助本南小孩吗?(转载自阿武叔的部落格)
去年尾我在浏览阿武叔的部落格时读到这篇帖子,是阿武叔从风云时报记者郑屹强的部落格转载下来的帖子。当时我抱着怀疑的心态留言给阿武叔,表示我愿意赞助本南族小孩,同时也告诉阿武叔我要转载这篇帖子过来我这里,可是却因为私事繁忙,竟然把这件事给耽搁下来。
我说我抱着怀疑的心态,因为我真的担心我们的捐款根本没有落在本南小孩手中,而是被不怀好意的“假好人”给滥用在自己身上。
无论如何,既然自己答应要捐助本南族小孩了,一定要做到。我只能这么想:我是出于热心帮助本南小孩,若是有人要半途“抢劫”我的捐款,那么这种人将不得善终。
大家要记得:捐助他人,必须要先看看自己、自己的家人孩子是否有被忽略了?别在外头当了大好人,在自家里却让孩子过苦日子了!
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我说我抱着怀疑的心态,因为我真的担心我们的捐款根本没有落在本南小孩手中,而是被不怀好意的“假好人”给滥用在自己身上。
无论如何,既然自己答应要捐助本南族小孩了,一定要做到。我只能这么想:我是出于热心帮助本南小孩,若是有人要半途“抢劫”我的捐款,那么这种人将不得善终。
大家要记得:捐助他人,必须要先看看自己、自己的家人孩子是否有被忽略了?别在外头当了大好人,在自家里却让孩子过苦日子了!
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本南学童需要一把援手 你能帮帮他们吗?
本南人是我国东马纯朴的民族,他们被称为热带雨林的守护者,但是却没有办法守护自己的命运。目前,本南人的人口只有1万多人,大多数本南人已经改变迁居的生活形态,只有3%本南人仍维持迁居的生活形态。
住在深山内的本南族,学校离家园太远,加上缺乏交通到学校上课,导致很多的适龄儿童都没有上学。而由于本南人的住处距离学校很远,自七岁开始,本南小孩就要离开父母,到寄宿学校就读。
然而,并非所有本南家庭都有能力让孩子就读寄宿学校。若他们走路到学校,则需要至少两天路程,但是靠伐木工人载送,只需要两个小时至四个小时,所以本南人都需要依靠伐木公司的交通工具。
因为没有交通,许多上中学的本南学子都要依赖伐木公司的车辆载送。结果就衍生了本南女子被性侵犯的问题,就从此处开始,木山公司的驾驶员就是在载送的过程中,性侵犯本南女中学生。
不过这个消息却遭到警方、伐木工人的否认,并指说这只是纯属谣言,所幸的是妇女、家庭及社会发展部在去年10月8日,成立了一个包括政府官员和非政府组织的特别专案小组来调查这项“谣言”。
在今年9月8日,在非政府组织和在野党的施压下,马来西亚妇女、家庭及社会发展部终于公布报告,并且承认本南女子的确被性侵犯,因为执法不严,这些问题依然没有获得解决。该报告显示,确认目前最少有10个女生被侵犯,最小的只有10岁。
目前,本南族的领袖们正在尝试把这些孩童们从部落村转移到几个靠近Ulu Baram的市区如:美里等地,在当地设立一家家的本南人之家,让供这些孩子能够安全上学。同时这间中心也将会充当本南族的医药援助、辅导与联络中心。
而你的助养费将会辅助这些贫穷家庭本南小孩们的教育费用。
看到这里,想问大家几个问题:
你有想过一年会吃几顿快餐呢?一个月会买多少件新衣呢?或一年有多少天会消费超过5零吉吗?
你知道吗?
假如一个月少买2件价值RM20的新衣,少吃5顿快餐、少花费的话,你可以协助一个本南族小孩安心上学,免除被侵犯的危机,解决升学的烦恼!
因为助养一个本南族小孩的教育费只是一年RM500,目前他们有超过500名中小学生需要你的帮助,这五百块只是足够来负担他们一年的校服、作业簿、参考书、文具等。
所有助养者将会获得你助养小孩的一张照片、地址与联络方式,以便能够知道他们的学业进展或确认汇款成功抵达他的手中与否,而那位小孩则只会得到你的地址或电邮(依据个人要求而定)来跟助养者联络。而假如助养者不愿提供任何联络的话,那可以通知我,以做个别处理。
基于我并非任何法定机构,只是纯属想要做好事而已,所以我会要求当地的本南族领袖提供所有孩童的银行户口号码,让助养者直接汇入。而假如不方便者,才交托我来协助处理。
为了确保该助养孩童是真的是需要之人,我已寻求本南族支援小组成员的协助,来确认本南族领袖所提呈之名单人选,以便他们能够帮对人,而非好心做坏事。
然而,很多人可能会想说,那我也可以助养中国、非洲、南美洲等地的贫穷小孩啊,为什么是本南族呢?
试想想每年都会有很多人捐助贫穷的外国小孩,但是这些身在国内、非常需要别人帮助的小孩们、每天活在恐惧中的少女们,会有多少人听到他们的问题,想到要资助他们呢?
所以,我希望你能够帮助他们,而这些费用是你们负担得起,他们却非常需要的。
而经过一天的简讯努力,今天已有19位人士答应参与这个助养计划,其中包括:著名博客林放、988电台首席执行员黄莉娥、马六甲中华大会堂青年团团长柯新庆等人。
任何有兴趣者,可以将你的中英文名字、联络方式(电邮、手机号码)与地址电邮到tehyeekeong@gmail.com,我将会尽快与你联系。同样,你有任何疑问的话,也可以电邮方式联络我。
谢谢你们!
本南人是我国东马纯朴的民族,他们被称为热带雨林的守护者,但是却没有办法守护自己的命运。目前,本南人的人口只有1万多人,大多数本南人已经改变迁居的生活形态,只有3%本南人仍维持迁居的生活形态。
住在深山内的本南族,学校离家园太远,加上缺乏交通到学校上课,导致很多的适龄儿童都没有上学。而由于本南人的住处距离学校很远,自七岁开始,本南小孩就要离开父母,到寄宿学校就读。
然而,并非所有本南家庭都有能力让孩子就读寄宿学校。若他们走路到学校,则需要至少两天路程,但是靠伐木工人载送,只需要两个小时至四个小时,所以本南人都需要依靠伐木公司的交通工具。
因为没有交通,许多上中学的本南学子都要依赖伐木公司的车辆载送。结果就衍生了本南女子被性侵犯的问题,就从此处开始,木山公司的驾驶员就是在载送的过程中,性侵犯本南女中学生。
不过这个消息却遭到警方、伐木工人的否认,并指说这只是纯属谣言,所幸的是妇女、家庭及社会发展部在去年10月8日,成立了一个包括政府官员和非政府组织的特别专案小组来调查这项“谣言”。
在今年9月8日,在非政府组织和在野党的施压下,马来西亚妇女、家庭及社会发展部终于公布报告,并且承认本南女子的确被性侵犯,因为执法不严,这些问题依然没有获得解决。该报告显示,确认目前最少有10个女生被侵犯,最小的只有10岁。
目前,本南族的领袖们正在尝试把这些孩童们从部落村转移到几个靠近Ulu Baram的市区如:美里等地,在当地设立一家家的本南人之家,让供这些孩子能够安全上学。同时这间中心也将会充当本南族的医药援助、辅导与联络中心。
而你的助养费将会辅助这些贫穷家庭本南小孩们的教育费用。
看到这里,想问大家几个问题:
你有想过一年会吃几顿快餐呢?一个月会买多少件新衣呢?或一年有多少天会消费超过5零吉吗?
你知道吗?
假如一个月少买2件价值RM20的新衣,少吃5顿快餐、少花费的话,你可以协助一个本南族小孩安心上学,免除被侵犯的危机,解决升学的烦恼!
因为助养一个本南族小孩的教育费只是一年RM500,目前他们有超过500名中小学生需要你的帮助,这五百块只是足够来负担他们一年的校服、作业簿、参考书、文具等。
所有助养者将会获得你助养小孩的一张照片、地址与联络方式,以便能够知道他们的学业进展或确认汇款成功抵达他的手中与否,而那位小孩则只会得到你的地址或电邮(依据个人要求而定)来跟助养者联络。而假如助养者不愿提供任何联络的话,那可以通知我,以做个别处理。
基于我并非任何法定机构,只是纯属想要做好事而已,所以我会要求当地的本南族领袖提供所有孩童的银行户口号码,让助养者直接汇入。而假如不方便者,才交托我来协助处理。
为了确保该助养孩童是真的是需要之人,我已寻求本南族支援小组成员的协助,来确认本南族领袖所提呈之名单人选,以便他们能够帮对人,而非好心做坏事。
然而,很多人可能会想说,那我也可以助养中国、非洲、南美洲等地的贫穷小孩啊,为什么是本南族呢?
试想想每年都会有很多人捐助贫穷的外国小孩,但是这些身在国内、非常需要别人帮助的小孩们、每天活在恐惧中的少女们,会有多少人听到他们的问题,想到要资助他们呢?
所以,我希望你能够帮助他们,而这些费用是你们负担得起,他们却非常需要的。
而经过一天的简讯努力,今天已有19位人士答应参与这个助养计划,其中包括:著名博客林放、988电台首席执行员黄莉娥、马六甲中华大会堂青年团团长柯新庆等人。
任何有兴趣者,可以将你的中英文名字、联络方式(电邮、手机号码)与地址电邮到tehyeekeong@gmail.com,我将会尽快与你联系。同样,你有任何疑问的话,也可以电邮方式联络我。
谢谢你们!
2009年10月30日星期五
转载光华日报李宝珠老师的文章
《柑仔园修道院的成就》
二零零九年十月二十七日 下午二时三十九分
文:李宝珠
几天前,朋友递给我一张剪报,写的是有关柑仔园修道院盛产杏坛工作者的报导。这向来是我们校友津津乐道的事,也是我们引以为荣的事。然而其中提到以槟州华校督学成就最高,是我不能认同的。
我觉得一个人的成就不是以职位、地位、权力甚至是财气来衡量。
在杏坛中,有许多教师为教育默默耕耘,造就多少人才,也培育学习障碍的学生,有教无类。这些教师奉献自己的青春,传授最崇高的道德价值,传承中华文化,这难道不是可以歌颂的成就?我们必须知道,没有学生就没有老师,没有老师就没有校长,没有校长何来督学?所以,基层的老师们,才是真正肩负教育使命的一群,怎么可以说李宝珠督学是成就最高者呢?
柑仔园修道院造就那么多教育工作者,全赖于过去的老师们的爱心教育及以身作则,让我们这一群学生受到老师们的熏陶、影响而步入杏坛。这正是老师们的成就。
单说我毕业的那一届同学中,约三分一涉足教育界,除了成为学校行政人员,老师,也有学校职员如书记、图书馆管理员、科学室助理,也有些是幼稚园教师、音乐教师,牧师等,都有各自的成就,给老师们交上理想的成绩单,没有辜负老师对我们的期望。这也是老师们的成就。
早期的柑仔园修道院,虽是槟城唯一的华文修道院,但校长教师的教学媒介语,都是英语,以至当年柑仔园修道院在槟城国民型中学当中,英语程度极高的。当年不是名校的柑仔园修道院,却在许多老师的爱心耕耘下,撒下了教育的种子、扎下教育的根,才能看到今日的开枝散叶,枝繁叶茂,塑造了那么多教育工作者。这又是老师们的成就。
想当年我们这一些修道院的穷学生,哪能像其他贵族学校的学生到处参加补习班。倒是尽职、有爱心的老师为了帮助我们,放学后,让我们留下来,多上一节课,以应付当年的英文的深奥词汇。慈爱的校长也在放学后,让我们留下来,讨论伦理及生活价值观、多上一节会计课,资金平衡表出现差额就不能放学,在老师与校长的循循善诱下,即使对数目字有恐惧感的学生,在马来西亚教育文凭试中,会计科都考到特优。这岂不是老师的成就?
多年后再见老师,他们关心的不是我们是否有声望或财富。他们细问我们为社会作了什么贡献?他们欲知的不是我们有什么职位,但问我们的却是在工作岗位上是否付出真诚?我们是否因自己的工作而满足、快乐。
对于老师们的教诲,我们应铭刻于心;对于老师们的爱,我们必须继续传承下去,对于老师的成就,我们不可抹杀。
我们的老师身为教育工作者,造就了我们这一批又一批的杏坛工作者,却从不炫耀自夸。谦逊的德行是我们学习的典范。他们表现了“纯朴于德行、勇毅于任务”的校训,我们这一些后辈又岂可像乡村里的母鸡,生一只蛋而叫响一个村子,唯恐天下不知自己的成就。
而我,身为槟州华校督学,眼看着微型学校学生人数锐减、微型学校校长的不公平待遇、槟州华小的不平衡发展、教育工作者的盲点、道德价值的沦落,我却不能扮演好我的角色,区区一个华校督学,有什么成就可言?
二零零九年十月二十七日 下午二时三十九分
文:李宝珠
几天前,朋友递给我一张剪报,写的是有关柑仔园修道院盛产杏坛工作者的报导。这向来是我们校友津津乐道的事,也是我们引以为荣的事。然而其中提到以槟州华校督学成就最高,是我不能认同的。
我觉得一个人的成就不是以职位、地位、权力甚至是财气来衡量。
在杏坛中,有许多教师为教育默默耕耘,造就多少人才,也培育学习障碍的学生,有教无类。这些教师奉献自己的青春,传授最崇高的道德价值,传承中华文化,这难道不是可以歌颂的成就?我们必须知道,没有学生就没有老师,没有老师就没有校长,没有校长何来督学?所以,基层的老师们,才是真正肩负教育使命的一群,怎么可以说李宝珠督学是成就最高者呢?
柑仔园修道院造就那么多教育工作者,全赖于过去的老师们的爱心教育及以身作则,让我们这一群学生受到老师们的熏陶、影响而步入杏坛。这正是老师们的成就。
单说我毕业的那一届同学中,约三分一涉足教育界,除了成为学校行政人员,老师,也有学校职员如书记、图书馆管理员、科学室助理,也有些是幼稚园教师、音乐教师,牧师等,都有各自的成就,给老师们交上理想的成绩单,没有辜负老师对我们的期望。这也是老师们的成就。
早期的柑仔园修道院,虽是槟城唯一的华文修道院,但校长教师的教学媒介语,都是英语,以至当年柑仔园修道院在槟城国民型中学当中,英语程度极高的。当年不是名校的柑仔园修道院,却在许多老师的爱心耕耘下,撒下了教育的种子、扎下教育的根,才能看到今日的开枝散叶,枝繁叶茂,塑造了那么多教育工作者。这又是老师们的成就。
想当年我们这一些修道院的穷学生,哪能像其他贵族学校的学生到处参加补习班。倒是尽职、有爱心的老师为了帮助我们,放学后,让我们留下来,多上一节课,以应付当年的英文的深奥词汇。慈爱的校长也在放学后,让我们留下来,讨论伦理及生活价值观、多上一节会计课,资金平衡表出现差额就不能放学,在老师与校长的循循善诱下,即使对数目字有恐惧感的学生,在马来西亚教育文凭试中,会计科都考到特优。这岂不是老师的成就?
多年后再见老师,他们关心的不是我们是否有声望或财富。他们细问我们为社会作了什么贡献?他们欲知的不是我们有什么职位,但问我们的却是在工作岗位上是否付出真诚?我们是否因自己的工作而满足、快乐。
对于老师们的教诲,我们应铭刻于心;对于老师们的爱,我们必须继续传承下去,对于老师的成就,我们不可抹杀。
我们的老师身为教育工作者,造就了我们这一批又一批的杏坛工作者,却从不炫耀自夸。谦逊的德行是我们学习的典范。他们表现了“纯朴于德行、勇毅于任务”的校训,我们这一些后辈又岂可像乡村里的母鸡,生一只蛋而叫响一个村子,唯恐天下不知自己的成就。
而我,身为槟州华校督学,眼看着微型学校学生人数锐减、微型学校校长的不公平待遇、槟州华小的不平衡发展、教育工作者的盲点、道德价值的沦落,我却不能扮演好我的角色,区区一个华校督学,有什么成就可言?
2009年9月11日星期五
The rape of young Penan girls (转载自The Sar)

The rape of young Penan girls
By STEPHEN THEN, SHARON LING, LOH FOON FONG, FLORENCE A. SAMY and R.K. SHYAMALA
By STEPHEN THEN, SHARON LING, LOH FOON FONG, FLORENCE A. SAMY and R.K. SHYAMALA
Allegations of Penan girls and women being raped and molested by timber company workers in the Baram district in Sarawak have been confi rmed to be true.
A special committee set up by the Women, Family and Community Development Ministry revealed that at least seven girls and women were raped and molested - confi rming a news report by The Star late last year.
The horror the Penan girls and women went through.
● A girl, 12, was raped by a stranger outside her hostel and by a timber worker when she took a lift in a timber company’s vehicle from her village in Long Kawi to her school in Long Lama. She got pregnant, quit school and married a Penan man.
The horror the Penan girls and women went through.
● A girl, 12, was raped by a stranger outside her hostel and by a timber worker when she took a lift in a timber company’s vehicle from her village in Long Kawi to her school in Long Lama. She got pregnant, quit school and married a Penan man.
● A woman from Long Item was raped by a timber worker in 2005 and 2007 and gave birth to a baby girl, now two years old.
● One was raped by an Iban timber worker when she was kidnapped at the age of 13, while visiting her relatives in Miri.
● One was almost raped when she took a lift with her father from a timber company to apply for an identity card.
● In Long Muboi, a student said her 14-year-old friend was molested by a truck driver who gave her a lift to school.
● A 17-year-old girl gave birth to a child and her neighbours claimed that she had sexual relations with the timber workers.
● A group of women said they believed that sex exploitation exists among the Penan women and girls but they were too ashamed to tell their stories.
谁摧残了本南族的花朵?(转载)
谁摧残了本南族的花朵?
作者/邓晓璇专栏 Aug 22, 2009 10:44:09 pm
青春,永远像盛开的花朵,迎向朝阳,璀璨地绽放在阳光之下,给人们无限的希望、欢乐。
大部分城市地区青春少女在家长的呵护下来回校园、补习班、舒适的住家;她们能自在地观赏偶像剧、听着流行歌曲、穿着最流行的衣着;她们可以和同学们在下课后轻松地逛街、喝茶,编织未来的美丽憧憬。挥霍青春,是很多幸福的孩子,享受最肆无忌惮的黄金年代。
在马来西亚砂拉越原始森林里的伐木宿舍,在最黑暗的角落、在森林被砍伐精光留下的污浊河流旁、在运载树桐罗里的泥泞路上,伐木工人只需用几瓶啤酒、几包快熟面、一趟往返家里和学校的顺风车,就可以肆无忌惮地满足人类身为灵长类动物最原始的欲望。
饥渴的伐木工人瞄准的目标,是花样年华的原住民少女。他们带了几支啤酒,对着少女家中的兄长把酒当歌、述说城市里霓虹灯的故事,多么地灿烂浪漫,灌醉了原住民家里的男人,也蹂躏了别人的姐妹、女儿。晚上,他们拿着快熟面假装饿扁的样子,接近猎物,而善良纯朴的少女为他们煮了面,到了夜阑人静,只能无助地任由魔爪施虐。他们的大卡车或普吉车成为本南儿女上学的交通工具,少女省下了步行一星期到学校的路程,换来的却是一辈子的梦魇;学校回不去了,走出那一片雨林的梦想,彻底地被毁了。
心痛到没有眼泪
故事发生在砂拉越美里的巴南县。古老的森林原是游牧民族本南人赖以生存的地方。1990年代中期,为了守护家园,他们轰轰烈烈地抵御过漠视人权的发展洪流,为了要他们成全国家资本家的发展大蓝图中对电供、对油棕外汇的追求,我们的政府把整个本南族的存亡都置之度外。
伐木商、发展商、种植商如今“袋袋平安”。几届大选过去了,本南族的生活条件,并没有随着在政治人物的承诺而改善。一些地区,他们望着自己曾经嬉水、捉鱼的河流,如今变成滚滚“黄河”,村里还是没有水供、电供;就算有水供、电供,无业的原住民却没有能力缴付水电费,更不用说能什么药物或者有营养的食物。
一些地区,建了校舍,没有老师。本南父母听从政府的劝告,让子女接受教育、摆脱贫穷。然而,他们没有能力护送子女出门,只能让子女乘搭进出森林及城镇的顺风车,远渡丛林到几百里外的学校上学、寄宿,明明知道这可能是“送羊入虎口”,他们心痛到没有眼泪,却别无选择。
这些丑陋的故事,去年底曾经一度经由35个非政府组织及律师公会的努力,争取到媒体几个版位的曝光率。过后,当时掌管妇女事务的黄燕燕(右图)信誓旦旦调谴特别小组深入巴南县调查,坚决会查个水落石出。
利用纳税人金钱完成的调查报告呈交给内阁将近一年,身为纳税人的我们依然不知道谁是犯人,谁是包庇罪犯的犯人。腐败的行政机关、执法单位、加上整个失败、沉默的社会,注定了上述无耻犯罪案件的调查工作将无声无息的告终。
求助无门
在满街都是法律系毕业生的时代,长居于郊区的本南族却不知道,强迫性的性行为是一种罪,他们只控诉干案的人可恶,却不懂得在必要的时候报警。在盛行“企业社会责任”的良心号召下,伐木公司的主管竟然充耳不闻,把罪案视为伐木工人的个人行为,与公司无关。
《2001年儿童法令》规定,执法单位若怀疑任何18岁以下的儿童遭受性侵犯,他们必须展开调查。然而,砂拉越警方毫无愧疚地对媒体表示,又没有人报警,要我们怎样调查,这只会破坏国家形象。等到他们学会了报警,警方的不闻不问,更令他们对警方失去信任,陷入绝望谷底。
最近,更离谱的是,砂州刑事调查主任胡西尔莫哈末透露,由于州警察总部拨款只有马币10万元,经费不足,连缴付翻译费都不够,因此他们无法调查本南少女疑遭伐木工人强奸案。砂州警察总部似乎也不太愿意配合武吉阿曼总部的决定,与非政府组织联合调查,理由是担心后者“阻差办工”。这与执政党投入在打压反内安法令万人大集会、补选治安机关的资源简直天渊之别。
黄燕燕曾在今年二月对媒体说“不会回答报告是否公布,以及为何不公布报告的原因”。掌管妇女事务的上议员莎丽查(左图)只表示会尽快呈交给内阁,有兴趣的人可以到她的部门与她讨论报告的内容。看来,调查报告的公布遥遥无期。
本南族的遭遇看起来与大部分国人没有任何关连。但是,正由于政商权贵只顾本身利益而牺牲那些没权没势的群体、执法怠慢的结果,他们才面临灭族的苦难。而这个可恶的原因,也可能随时或正在损害我们身为普通老百姓的利益及生活。
对任何政党而言,本南族的选民人数实在微不足道,或许不足以影响任何政党的选票。但是,良好施政的其中一个关键要求就是照顾少数、弱势群体,我们可以从任何政党或政治人物是如何看待少数民族群体权益的态度,检验他们所领导的政府,可以带领整个国家走到多远。
(邓晓璇是英国英吉利亚大学发展学硕士,现为政治工作者。)
作者/邓晓璇专栏 Aug 22, 2009 10:44:09 pm
青春,永远像盛开的花朵,迎向朝阳,璀璨地绽放在阳光之下,给人们无限的希望、欢乐。
大部分城市地区青春少女在家长的呵护下来回校园、补习班、舒适的住家;她们能自在地观赏偶像剧、听着流行歌曲、穿着最流行的衣着;她们可以和同学们在下课后轻松地逛街、喝茶,编织未来的美丽憧憬。挥霍青春,是很多幸福的孩子,享受最肆无忌惮的黄金年代。
在马来西亚砂拉越原始森林里的伐木宿舍,在最黑暗的角落、在森林被砍伐精光留下的污浊河流旁、在运载树桐罗里的泥泞路上,伐木工人只需用几瓶啤酒、几包快熟面、一趟往返家里和学校的顺风车,就可以肆无忌惮地满足人类身为灵长类动物最原始的欲望。
饥渴的伐木工人瞄准的目标,是花样年华的原住民少女。他们带了几支啤酒,对着少女家中的兄长把酒当歌、述说城市里霓虹灯的故事,多么地灿烂浪漫,灌醉了原住民家里的男人,也蹂躏了别人的姐妹、女儿。晚上,他们拿着快熟面假装饿扁的样子,接近猎物,而善良纯朴的少女为他们煮了面,到了夜阑人静,只能无助地任由魔爪施虐。他们的大卡车或普吉车成为本南儿女上学的交通工具,少女省下了步行一星期到学校的路程,换来的却是一辈子的梦魇;学校回不去了,走出那一片雨林的梦想,彻底地被毁了。
心痛到没有眼泪
故事发生在砂拉越美里的巴南县。古老的森林原是游牧民族本南人赖以生存的地方。1990年代中期,为了守护家园,他们轰轰烈烈地抵御过漠视人权的发展洪流,为了要他们成全国家资本家的发展大蓝图中对电供、对油棕外汇的追求,我们的政府把整个本南族的存亡都置之度外。
伐木商、发展商、种植商如今“袋袋平安”。几届大选过去了,本南族的生活条件,并没有随着在政治人物的承诺而改善。一些地区,他们望着自己曾经嬉水、捉鱼的河流,如今变成滚滚“黄河”,村里还是没有水供、电供;就算有水供、电供,无业的原住民却没有能力缴付水电费,更不用说能什么药物或者有营养的食物。
一些地区,建了校舍,没有老师。本南父母听从政府的劝告,让子女接受教育、摆脱贫穷。然而,他们没有能力护送子女出门,只能让子女乘搭进出森林及城镇的顺风车,远渡丛林到几百里外的学校上学、寄宿,明明知道这可能是“送羊入虎口”,他们心痛到没有眼泪,却别无选择。
这些丑陋的故事,去年底曾经一度经由35个非政府组织及律师公会的努力,争取到媒体几个版位的曝光率。过后,当时掌管妇女事务的黄燕燕(右图)信誓旦旦调谴特别小组深入巴南县调查,坚决会查个水落石出。
利用纳税人金钱完成的调查报告呈交给内阁将近一年,身为纳税人的我们依然不知道谁是犯人,谁是包庇罪犯的犯人。腐败的行政机关、执法单位、加上整个失败、沉默的社会,注定了上述无耻犯罪案件的调查工作将无声无息的告终。
求助无门
在满街都是法律系毕业生的时代,长居于郊区的本南族却不知道,强迫性的性行为是一种罪,他们只控诉干案的人可恶,却不懂得在必要的时候报警。在盛行“企业社会责任”的良心号召下,伐木公司的主管竟然充耳不闻,把罪案视为伐木工人的个人行为,与公司无关。
《2001年儿童法令》规定,执法单位若怀疑任何18岁以下的儿童遭受性侵犯,他们必须展开调查。然而,砂拉越警方毫无愧疚地对媒体表示,又没有人报警,要我们怎样调查,这只会破坏国家形象。等到他们学会了报警,警方的不闻不问,更令他们对警方失去信任,陷入绝望谷底。
最近,更离谱的是,砂州刑事调查主任胡西尔莫哈末透露,由于州警察总部拨款只有马币10万元,经费不足,连缴付翻译费都不够,因此他们无法调查本南少女疑遭伐木工人强奸案。砂州警察总部似乎也不太愿意配合武吉阿曼总部的决定,与非政府组织联合调查,理由是担心后者“阻差办工”。这与执政党投入在打压反内安法令万人大集会、补选治安机关的资源简直天渊之别。
黄燕燕曾在今年二月对媒体说“不会回答报告是否公布,以及为何不公布报告的原因”。掌管妇女事务的上议员莎丽查(左图)只表示会尽快呈交给内阁,有兴趣的人可以到她的部门与她讨论报告的内容。看来,调查报告的公布遥遥无期。
本南族的遭遇看起来与大部分国人没有任何关连。但是,正由于政商权贵只顾本身利益而牺牲那些没权没势的群体、执法怠慢的结果,他们才面临灭族的苦难。而这个可恶的原因,也可能随时或正在损害我们身为普通老百姓的利益及生活。
对任何政党而言,本南族的选民人数实在微不足道,或许不足以影响任何政党的选票。但是,良好施政的其中一个关键要求就是照顾少数、弱势群体,我们可以从任何政党或政治人物是如何看待少数民族群体权益的态度,检验他们所领导的政府,可以带领整个国家走到多远。
(邓晓璇是英国英吉利亚大学发展学硕士,现为政治工作者。)
2009年9月5日星期六
寓言故事
Three men a philosopher, a mathematician and an idiot, were out riding in the car when it crashed into a tree. Before anyone knows it, the three men found themselves standing before the pearly gates of Heaven, where St. Peter and the Devil were standing nearby.
"Gentlemen," the Devil started, "Due to the fact that Heaven is now overcrowded, therefore St. Peter has agreed to limit the number of people entering Heaven. If anyone of you can ask me a question which I don't know or cannot answer, then you're worthy enough to go to Heaven; if not, then you'll come with me to Hell."
The philosopher then stepped up, "OK, give me the most comprehensive report on Socrates' teachings," With a snap of his finger, a stack of paper appeared next to the Devil. The philosopher read it and concluded it was correct. "Then, go to Hell!" With another snap of his finger, the philosopher disappeared.
The mathematician then asked, "Give me the most complicated formula you can ever think of!" With a snap of his finger, another stack of paper appeared next to the Devil.. The mathematician read it and reluctantly agreed it was correct. "Then, go to Hell!" With another snap of his finger, the mathematician disappeared, too.
The idiot then stepped forward and said, "Bring me a chair!" The Devil brought forward a chair. "Drill 7 holes on the seat." The Devil did just that. The idiot then sat on the chair and let out a very loud fart. Standing up, he asked, "Which hole did my fart come out from?" The Devil inspected the seat and said, "The third hole from the right." "Wrong," said the idiot, "it's from my ass hole."
And the idiot went to Heaven.
"Gentlemen," the Devil started, "Due to the fact that Heaven is now overcrowded, therefore St. Peter has agreed to limit the number of people entering Heaven. If anyone of you can ask me a question which I don't know or cannot answer, then you're worthy enough to go to Heaven; if not, then you'll come with me to Hell."
The philosopher then stepped up, "OK, give me the most comprehensive report on Socrates' teachings," With a snap of his finger, a stack of paper appeared next to the Devil. The philosopher read it and concluded it was correct. "Then, go to Hell!" With another snap of his finger, the philosopher disappeared.
The mathematician then asked, "Give me the most complicated formula you can ever think of!" With a snap of his finger, another stack of paper appeared next to the Devil.. The mathematician read it and reluctantly agreed it was correct. "Then, go to Hell!" With another snap of his finger, the mathematician disappeared, too.
The idiot then stepped forward and said, "Bring me a chair!" The Devil brought forward a chair. "Drill 7 holes on the seat." The Devil did just that. The idiot then sat on the chair and let out a very loud fart. Standing up, he asked, "Which hole did my fart come out from?" The Devil inspected the seat and said, "The third hole from the right." "Wrong," said the idiot, "it's from my ass hole."
And the idiot went to Heaven.
2009年8月12日星期三
村上春树在耶路撒冷的演讲
我永远站在鸡蛋那方——村上春树在耶路撒冷的演讲
作者:村上春樹 整理:張翔一 提供:苏颖欣
Today, I have no intention of lying .
今天,我不打算說謊
I have come to Jerusalem today as a novelist, which is to say as a professional spinner of lies.
今天我以一名小說家的身分來到耶路撒冷。而小說家,正是所謂的職業謊言製造者。
Of course, novelists are not the only ones who tell lies. Politicians do it, too, as we all know. Diplomats and military men tell their own kinds of lies on occasion, as do used car salesmen, butchers and builders.
當然,不只小說家會說謊。眾所周知,政治人物也會說謊。外交官、將軍、二手車業務員、屠夫和建築師亦不例外。
The lies of novelists differ from others, however, in that no one criticizes the novelist as immoral for telling them. Indeed, the bigger and better his lies and the more ingeniously he creates them, the more he is likely to be praised by the public and the critics. Why should that be?
但是小說家的謊言和其他人不同。沒有人會責怪小說家說謊不道德。相反地,小說家愈努力說謊,把謊言說得愈大愈好,大眾和評論家反而愈讚賞他。為什麼?
My answer would be this: Namely, that by telling skillful lies - which is to say, by making up fictions that appear to be true - the novelist can bring a truth out to a new location and shine a new light on it.
我的答案是:藉由高超的謊言,也就是創作出幾可亂真的小說情節,小說家才能將真相帶到新的地方,也才能賦予它新的光輝。
In most cases, it is virtually impossible to grasp a truth in its original form and depict it accurately. This is why we try to grab its tail by luring the truth from its hiding place, transferring it to a fictional location, and replacing it with a fictional form.
在大多數的情況下,我們幾乎無法掌握真相,也無法精準的描繪真相。因此,必須把真相從藏匿處挖掘出來,轉化到另一個虛構的時空,用虛構的形式來表達。
In order to accomplish this, however, we first have to clarify where the truth lies within us. This is an important qualification for making up good lies.
但是在此之前,我們必須先清楚知道,真相就在我們心中的某處。這是小說家編造好謊言的必要條件。
Today, however, I have no intention of lying. I will try to be as honest as I can. There are a few days in the year when I do not engage in telling lies, and today happens to be one of them.
今天,我不打算說謊。我會盡可能地誠實。我在一年之中只有幾天不會說謊,今天剛好就是其中之一。
So let me tell you the truth. A fair number of people advised me not to come here to accept the Jerusalem Prize. Some even warned me they would instigate a boycott of my books if I came.
請容我告訴你們真相。在日本,許多人建議我不要來這裡接受耶路撒冷文學獎。甚至有人警告我,如果我堅持前來,他們會聯合抵制我的小說。
The reason for this, of course, was the fierce battle that was raging in Gaza. The UN reported that more than a thousand people had lost their lives in the blockaded Gaza City, many of them unarmed citizens - children and old people.
主要的原因,當然是迦薩正在發生的激烈戰鬥。根據聯合國調查,在被封鎖的迦薩城內,已經有超過千人喪生,許多人是手無寸鐵的平民、孩童和老人。
Any number of times after receiving notice of the award, I asked myself whether traveling to Israel at a time like this and accepting a literary prize was the proper thing to do, whether this would create the impression that I supported one side in the conflict, that I endorsed the policies of a nation that chose to unleash its overwhelming military power. This is an impression, of course, that I would not wish to give. I do not approve of any war, and I do not support any nation. Neither, of course, do I wish to see my books subjected to a boycott.
我收到獲獎通知後,不斷問自己:此時到耶路撒冷接受文學獎,是否正確?這會不會讓人認為我支持衝突中的某一方,或認為我支持一個發動壓倒性武力攻擊的國家政策?老實說,我也不想看到自己的書被抵制。
Finally, however, after careful consideration, I made up my mind to come here. One reason for my decision was that all too many people advised me not to do it. Perhaps, like many other novelists, I tend to do the exact opposite of what I am told. If people are telling me - and especially if they are warning me - "don't go there," "don't do that," I tend to want to "go there" and "do that."
經過反覆思考,我還是決定來到這裡。原因之一是,太多人反對我來。我和許多小說家一樣,總是要做人們反對的事情。如果有人對我說,尤其是警告我說,「不要去」、「不要這麼做」,我通常反而會特別想去、特別想做。
It's in my nature, you might say, as a novelist. Novelists are a special breed. They cannot genuinely trust anything they have not seen with their own eyes or touched with their own hands.
這就是小說家的天性。小說家是特別的族群,除非親眼所見,親手觸摸,否則他們不會相信任何事情。
And that is why I am here. I chose to come here rather than stay away. I chose to see for myself rather than not to see. I chose to speak to you rather than to say nothing.
我來到這裡,我選擇親身面對而非置身事外;我選擇親眼目睹而非矇蔽雙眼;我選擇開口說話,而非沉默不語。
This is not to say that I am here to deliver a political message. To make judgments about right and wrong is one of the novelist's most important duties, of course. It is left to each writer, however, to decide upon the form in which he or she will convey those judgments to others. I myself prefer to transform them into stories - stories that tend toward the surreal. Which is why I do not intend to stand before you today delivering a direct political message.
但是這不代表我要發表任何政治訊息。判斷對錯,當然是小說家的重要責任,但如何傳遞判斷,每個作家有不同的選擇。我個人偏好用故事、尤其用超現實的故事來表達。因此,我今天不會在你們面前發表任何直接的政治訊息。
Please do, however, allow me to deliver one very personal message. It is something that I always keep in mind while I am writing fiction. I have never gone so far as to write it on a piece of paper and paste it to the wall: Rather, it is carved into the wall of my mind, and it goes something like this:
不過,請容我在這裡向你們傳達一個非常私人的訊息。這是我創作時永遠牢記在心的話語。我從未將這句話真正行諸文字或貼在牆壁,而是刻劃在我心靈深處的牆上。這句話是這樣的:
"Between a high, solid wall and an egg that breaks against it, I will always stand on the side of the egg." Yes, no matter how right the wall may be and how wrong the egg, I will stand with the egg.
「以卵擊石,在高大堅硬的牆和雞蛋之間,我永遠站在雞蛋那方。」 無論高牆是多麼正確,雞蛋是多麼地錯誤,我永遠站在雞蛋這邊。
Someone else will have to decide what is right and what is wrong; perhaps time or history will decide. If there were a novelist who, for whatever reason, wrote works standing with the wall, of what value would such works be?
誰是誰非,自有他人、時間、歷史來定論。但若小說家無論何種原因,寫出站在高牆這方的作品,這作品豈有任何價值可言?
What is the meaning of this metaphor? In some cases, it is all too simple and clear. Bombers and tanks and rockets and white phosphorus shells are that high, solid wall. The eggs are the unarmed civilians who are crushed and burned and shot by them. This is one meaning of the metaphor.
這代表什麼意思呢?轟炸機、戰車、火箭和白磷彈就是那堵高牆;而被它們壓碎、燒焦和射殺的平民則是雞蛋。這是這個比喻的其中一層涵義。
This is not all, though. It carries a deeper meaning. Think of it this way. Each of us is, more or less, an egg. Each of us is a unique, irreplaceable soul enclosed in a fragile shell.
更深一層的看,我們每個人,也或多或少都是一枚雞蛋。我們都是獨一無二,裝在脆弱外殼中的靈魂。
This is true of me, and it is true of each of you. And each of us, to a greater or lesser degree, is confronting a high, solid wall. The wall has a name: It is The System. The System is supposed to protect us, but sometimes it takes on a life of its own, and then it begins to kill us and cause us to kill others - coldly, efficiently, systematically.
你我也或多或少,都必須面對一堵名為「體制」的高牆。體制照理應該保護我們,但有時它卻殘殺我們,或迫使我們冷酷、有效率、系統化地殘殺別人。
We made The System.
是我們創造了體制。
I have only one reason to write novels, and that is to bring the dignity of the individual soul to the surface and shine a light upon it.
我寫小說只有一個原因,就是給予每個靈魂尊嚴,讓它們得以沐浴在陽光之下。
The purpose of a story is to sound an alarm, to keep a light trained on The System in order to prevent it from tangling our souls in its web and demeaning them.
故事的目的在於提醒世人,在於檢視體制,避免它馴化我們的靈魂、剝奪靈魂的意義。
I fully believe it is the novelist's job to keep trying to clarify the uniqueness of each individual soul by writing stories - stories of life and death, stories of love, stories that make people cry and quake with fear and shake with laughter. This is why we go on, day after day, concocting fictions with utter seriousness.
我深信小說家的職責就是透過創作故事,關於生死、愛情、讓人感動落淚、恐懼顫抖或開懷大笑的故事,讓人們意識到每個靈魂的獨一無二和不可取代。這就是我們為何日復一日,如此嚴肅編織小說的原因。
My father died last year at the age of 90. He was a retired teacher and a part-time Buddhist priest. When he was in graduate school, he was drafted into the army and sent to fight in China. 我九十歲的父親去年過世。他是位退休老師和兼職的和尚。當他在京都的研究所念書時,被強制徵召到中國打仗。
As a child born after the war, I used to see him every morning before breakfast offering up long, deeply-felt prayers at the Buddhist altar in our house.
身為戰後出生的小孩,我很好奇為何他每天早餐前,都在家中佛壇非常虔誠地祈禱。
One time I asked him why he did this, and he told me he was praying for the people who had died in the war. He was praying for all the people who died, he said, both ally and enemy alike.
有一次我問他原因,他說他是在為所有死於戰爭的人們祈禱,無論是戰友或敵人。
Staring at his back as he knelt at the altar, I seemed to feel the shadow of death hovering around him.
看著他跪在佛壇前的背影,我似乎感受到周遭環繞著死亡的陰影。
My father died, and with him he took his memories, memories that I can never know. But the presence of death that lurked about him remains in my own memory. It is one of the few things I carry on from him, and one of the most important.
我父親過世了,帶走那些我永遠無法盡知的記憶。但環繞他周遭那些死亡的陰影卻留在我的記憶中。這是我從他身上繼承的少數東西之一,卻也是最重要的東西之一。
I have only one thing I hope to convey to you today. We are all human beings, individuals transcending nationality and race and religion, fragile eggs faced with a solid wall called The System.
今天,我只希望能向你們傳達一個訊息。我們都是人類,超越國籍、種族和宗教,我們都只是一枚面對體制高牆的脆弱雞蛋。
To all appearances, we have no hope of winning. The wall is too high, too strong - and too cold.
無論怎麼看,我們都毫無勝算。牆實在是太高、太堅硬,也太過冷酷了。
If we have any hope of victory at all, it will have to come from our believing in the utter uniqueness and irreplaceability of our own and others' souls and from the warmth we gain by joining souls together.
戰勝它的唯一可能,只來自於我們全心相信每個靈魂都是獨一無二的,只來自於我們全心相信靈魂彼此融合,所能產生的溫暖。
Take a moment to think about this. Each of us possesses a tangible, living soul. The System has no such thing.
請花些時間思考這點:我們每個人都擁有獨特而活生生的靈魂,體制卻沒有。
We must not allow The System to exploit us. We must not allow The System to take on a life of its own.
我們不能允許體制剝削我們,我們不能允許體制自行其道。
The System did not make us: We made The System.
體制並未創造我們:是我們創造了體制。
That is all I have to say to you.
這就是我想對你們說的。
I am grateful to have been awarded the Jerusalem Prize. I am grateful that my books are being read by people in many parts of the world. And I am glad to have had the opportunity to speak to you here today.
我很感謝能夠獲得耶路撒冷文學獎。我很感謝世界各地有那麼多的讀者。我很高興有機會向各位發表演說。
作者:村上春樹 整理:張翔一 提供:苏颖欣
Today, I have no intention of lying .
今天,我不打算說謊
I have come to Jerusalem today as a novelist, which is to say as a professional spinner of lies.
今天我以一名小說家的身分來到耶路撒冷。而小說家,正是所謂的職業謊言製造者。
Of course, novelists are not the only ones who tell lies. Politicians do it, too, as we all know. Diplomats and military men tell their own kinds of lies on occasion, as do used car salesmen, butchers and builders.
當然,不只小說家會說謊。眾所周知,政治人物也會說謊。外交官、將軍、二手車業務員、屠夫和建築師亦不例外。
The lies of novelists differ from others, however, in that no one criticizes the novelist as immoral for telling them. Indeed, the bigger and better his lies and the more ingeniously he creates them, the more he is likely to be praised by the public and the critics. Why should that be?
但是小說家的謊言和其他人不同。沒有人會責怪小說家說謊不道德。相反地,小說家愈努力說謊,把謊言說得愈大愈好,大眾和評論家反而愈讚賞他。為什麼?
My answer would be this: Namely, that by telling skillful lies - which is to say, by making up fictions that appear to be true - the novelist can bring a truth out to a new location and shine a new light on it.
我的答案是:藉由高超的謊言,也就是創作出幾可亂真的小說情節,小說家才能將真相帶到新的地方,也才能賦予它新的光輝。
In most cases, it is virtually impossible to grasp a truth in its original form and depict it accurately. This is why we try to grab its tail by luring the truth from its hiding place, transferring it to a fictional location, and replacing it with a fictional form.
在大多數的情況下,我們幾乎無法掌握真相,也無法精準的描繪真相。因此,必須把真相從藏匿處挖掘出來,轉化到另一個虛構的時空,用虛構的形式來表達。
In order to accomplish this, however, we first have to clarify where the truth lies within us. This is an important qualification for making up good lies.
但是在此之前,我們必須先清楚知道,真相就在我們心中的某處。這是小說家編造好謊言的必要條件。
Today, however, I have no intention of lying. I will try to be as honest as I can. There are a few days in the year when I do not engage in telling lies, and today happens to be one of them.
今天,我不打算說謊。我會盡可能地誠實。我在一年之中只有幾天不會說謊,今天剛好就是其中之一。
So let me tell you the truth. A fair number of people advised me not to come here to accept the Jerusalem Prize. Some even warned me they would instigate a boycott of my books if I came.
請容我告訴你們真相。在日本,許多人建議我不要來這裡接受耶路撒冷文學獎。甚至有人警告我,如果我堅持前來,他們會聯合抵制我的小說。
The reason for this, of course, was the fierce battle that was raging in Gaza. The UN reported that more than a thousand people had lost their lives in the blockaded Gaza City, many of them unarmed citizens - children and old people.
主要的原因,當然是迦薩正在發生的激烈戰鬥。根據聯合國調查,在被封鎖的迦薩城內,已經有超過千人喪生,許多人是手無寸鐵的平民、孩童和老人。
Any number of times after receiving notice of the award, I asked myself whether traveling to Israel at a time like this and accepting a literary prize was the proper thing to do, whether this would create the impression that I supported one side in the conflict, that I endorsed the policies of a nation that chose to unleash its overwhelming military power. This is an impression, of course, that I would not wish to give. I do not approve of any war, and I do not support any nation. Neither, of course, do I wish to see my books subjected to a boycott.
我收到獲獎通知後,不斷問自己:此時到耶路撒冷接受文學獎,是否正確?這會不會讓人認為我支持衝突中的某一方,或認為我支持一個發動壓倒性武力攻擊的國家政策?老實說,我也不想看到自己的書被抵制。
Finally, however, after careful consideration, I made up my mind to come here. One reason for my decision was that all too many people advised me not to do it. Perhaps, like many other novelists, I tend to do the exact opposite of what I am told. If people are telling me - and especially if they are warning me - "don't go there," "don't do that," I tend to want to "go there" and "do that."
經過反覆思考,我還是決定來到這裡。原因之一是,太多人反對我來。我和許多小說家一樣,總是要做人們反對的事情。如果有人對我說,尤其是警告我說,「不要去」、「不要這麼做」,我通常反而會特別想去、特別想做。
It's in my nature, you might say, as a novelist. Novelists are a special breed. They cannot genuinely trust anything they have not seen with their own eyes or touched with their own hands.
這就是小說家的天性。小說家是特別的族群,除非親眼所見,親手觸摸,否則他們不會相信任何事情。
And that is why I am here. I chose to come here rather than stay away. I chose to see for myself rather than not to see. I chose to speak to you rather than to say nothing.
我來到這裡,我選擇親身面對而非置身事外;我選擇親眼目睹而非矇蔽雙眼;我選擇開口說話,而非沉默不語。
This is not to say that I am here to deliver a political message. To make judgments about right and wrong is one of the novelist's most important duties, of course. It is left to each writer, however, to decide upon the form in which he or she will convey those judgments to others. I myself prefer to transform them into stories - stories that tend toward the surreal. Which is why I do not intend to stand before you today delivering a direct political message.
但是這不代表我要發表任何政治訊息。判斷對錯,當然是小說家的重要責任,但如何傳遞判斷,每個作家有不同的選擇。我個人偏好用故事、尤其用超現實的故事來表達。因此,我今天不會在你們面前發表任何直接的政治訊息。
Please do, however, allow me to deliver one very personal message. It is something that I always keep in mind while I am writing fiction. I have never gone so far as to write it on a piece of paper and paste it to the wall: Rather, it is carved into the wall of my mind, and it goes something like this:
不過,請容我在這裡向你們傳達一個非常私人的訊息。這是我創作時永遠牢記在心的話語。我從未將這句話真正行諸文字或貼在牆壁,而是刻劃在我心靈深處的牆上。這句話是這樣的:
"Between a high, solid wall and an egg that breaks against it, I will always stand on the side of the egg." Yes, no matter how right the wall may be and how wrong the egg, I will stand with the egg.
「以卵擊石,在高大堅硬的牆和雞蛋之間,我永遠站在雞蛋那方。」 無論高牆是多麼正確,雞蛋是多麼地錯誤,我永遠站在雞蛋這邊。
Someone else will have to decide what is right and what is wrong; perhaps time or history will decide. If there were a novelist who, for whatever reason, wrote works standing with the wall, of what value would such works be?
誰是誰非,自有他人、時間、歷史來定論。但若小說家無論何種原因,寫出站在高牆這方的作品,這作品豈有任何價值可言?
What is the meaning of this metaphor? In some cases, it is all too simple and clear. Bombers and tanks and rockets and white phosphorus shells are that high, solid wall. The eggs are the unarmed civilians who are crushed and burned and shot by them. This is one meaning of the metaphor.
這代表什麼意思呢?轟炸機、戰車、火箭和白磷彈就是那堵高牆;而被它們壓碎、燒焦和射殺的平民則是雞蛋。這是這個比喻的其中一層涵義。
This is not all, though. It carries a deeper meaning. Think of it this way. Each of us is, more or less, an egg. Each of us is a unique, irreplaceable soul enclosed in a fragile shell.
更深一層的看,我們每個人,也或多或少都是一枚雞蛋。我們都是獨一無二,裝在脆弱外殼中的靈魂。
This is true of me, and it is true of each of you. And each of us, to a greater or lesser degree, is confronting a high, solid wall. The wall has a name: It is The System. The System is supposed to protect us, but sometimes it takes on a life of its own, and then it begins to kill us and cause us to kill others - coldly, efficiently, systematically.
你我也或多或少,都必須面對一堵名為「體制」的高牆。體制照理應該保護我們,但有時它卻殘殺我們,或迫使我們冷酷、有效率、系統化地殘殺別人。
We made The System.
是我們創造了體制。
I have only one reason to write novels, and that is to bring the dignity of the individual soul to the surface and shine a light upon it.
我寫小說只有一個原因,就是給予每個靈魂尊嚴,讓它們得以沐浴在陽光之下。
The purpose of a story is to sound an alarm, to keep a light trained on The System in order to prevent it from tangling our souls in its web and demeaning them.
故事的目的在於提醒世人,在於檢視體制,避免它馴化我們的靈魂、剝奪靈魂的意義。
I fully believe it is the novelist's job to keep trying to clarify the uniqueness of each individual soul by writing stories - stories of life and death, stories of love, stories that make people cry and quake with fear and shake with laughter. This is why we go on, day after day, concocting fictions with utter seriousness.
我深信小說家的職責就是透過創作故事,關於生死、愛情、讓人感動落淚、恐懼顫抖或開懷大笑的故事,讓人們意識到每個靈魂的獨一無二和不可取代。這就是我們為何日復一日,如此嚴肅編織小說的原因。
My father died last year at the age of 90. He was a retired teacher and a part-time Buddhist priest. When he was in graduate school, he was drafted into the army and sent to fight in China. 我九十歲的父親去年過世。他是位退休老師和兼職的和尚。當他在京都的研究所念書時,被強制徵召到中國打仗。
As a child born after the war, I used to see him every morning before breakfast offering up long, deeply-felt prayers at the Buddhist altar in our house.
身為戰後出生的小孩,我很好奇為何他每天早餐前,都在家中佛壇非常虔誠地祈禱。
One time I asked him why he did this, and he told me he was praying for the people who had died in the war. He was praying for all the people who died, he said, both ally and enemy alike.
有一次我問他原因,他說他是在為所有死於戰爭的人們祈禱,無論是戰友或敵人。
Staring at his back as he knelt at the altar, I seemed to feel the shadow of death hovering around him.
看著他跪在佛壇前的背影,我似乎感受到周遭環繞著死亡的陰影。
My father died, and with him he took his memories, memories that I can never know. But the presence of death that lurked about him remains in my own memory. It is one of the few things I carry on from him, and one of the most important.
我父親過世了,帶走那些我永遠無法盡知的記憶。但環繞他周遭那些死亡的陰影卻留在我的記憶中。這是我從他身上繼承的少數東西之一,卻也是最重要的東西之一。
I have only one thing I hope to convey to you today. We are all human beings, individuals transcending nationality and race and religion, fragile eggs faced with a solid wall called The System.
今天,我只希望能向你們傳達一個訊息。我們都是人類,超越國籍、種族和宗教,我們都只是一枚面對體制高牆的脆弱雞蛋。
To all appearances, we have no hope of winning. The wall is too high, too strong - and too cold.
無論怎麼看,我們都毫無勝算。牆實在是太高、太堅硬,也太過冷酷了。
If we have any hope of victory at all, it will have to come from our believing in the utter uniqueness and irreplaceability of our own and others' souls and from the warmth we gain by joining souls together.
戰勝它的唯一可能,只來自於我們全心相信每個靈魂都是獨一無二的,只來自於我們全心相信靈魂彼此融合,所能產生的溫暖。
Take a moment to think about this. Each of us possesses a tangible, living soul. The System has no such thing.
請花些時間思考這點:我們每個人都擁有獨特而活生生的靈魂,體制卻沒有。
We must not allow The System to exploit us. We must not allow The System to take on a life of its own.
我們不能允許體制剝削我們,我們不能允許體制自行其道。
The System did not make us: We made The System.
體制並未創造我們:是我們創造了體制。
That is all I have to say to you.
這就是我想對你們說的。
I am grateful to have been awarded the Jerusalem Prize. I am grateful that my books are being read by people in many parts of the world. And I am glad to have had the opportunity to speak to you here today.
我很感謝能夠獲得耶路撒冷文學獎。我很感謝世界各地有那麼多的讀者。我很高興有機會向各位發表演說。
2009年7月19日星期日
转载杨巧双州议员的信息

Message from Hannah Yeoh
Thursday, 09 July 2009 21:38
So many people have been telling me just how frustrated they are with the current political situation in our country. Some have told me that they regretted voting for change because of the political instability now and would prefer returning to their old style of voting - vote for stability and forget about having a stronger opposition and greater check and balance. I shudder at the thought of this!
One needs to remember the reason why we are seeing such great resistance for change is simply because there is much to lose for those who have been in power for so long. For decades there has been so much abuse of power, unchecked misuse of public funds and plain dirty corruption.
With a stronger opposition now, they stand to lose their illegal sources of income and some may even be charged and sent to prison if they are found guilty.
With this in mind, they will fight at all costs to reclaim back power and to ensure they can continue to steal public funds from the people for their own enrichment. We are not just dealing with differences in politics; we are combating evil forces who will not rest till they secure back their powers and illegal sources of income.
Sometimes I feel equally frustrated and disillusioned about the political situation too. Sometimes I lie awake thinking of how to effect change in this land. Some days I cry while driving in between meetings thinking of what's left for the future generation in this land if we give up now.
I have endured much verbal attack from political enemies, accusation after accusation of me not doing anything for my constituents and etc. No one truly understands the resistance we face daily in discharging our duties except for my fellow PR assemblymen.
I have endured much verbal attack from political enemies, accusation after accusation of me not doing anything for my constituents and etc. No one truly understands the resistance we face daily in discharging our duties except for my fellow PR assemblymen.
Robert Kennedy once said ‘*Progress is a nice word. But change is its motivator and change has its enemies.*’ Our enemies are resisting change but we must stand firm and continue to push for a competent, accountable and transparent government.
At the end of each day, as I lay myself to sleep, I ask God for strength, wisdom and protection to face the next. I look forward to the end of the term when I can tell the people of Subang Jaya that I have remained clean and have not stolen any of the taxpayers' funds.
As reminded by Raja Petra in his blog "*Please continue your struggle to make Malaysia a better place for our future generation. This country belongs to them and it is for them that we struggle.*" All hope is not lost. Come the next election, vote out the corrupt once and for all. Hang in there supporters and friends, the best is yet to come!
2009年7月18日星期六
转载欧阳文风的文章
华人笨蛋!
CINA BODOH!
文:欧阳文风牧师
我已经很久没有这么生气了。
早上在纽约读到赵明福死的新闻,还有反贪污委员会的反应,加上政府高官如纳兹里的言论,我对我的国家彻底失望!
接下来,再在〈独立新闻在线〉读到陈文华揭露如何被反贪委员会盘问,调查官员极尽恐吓威胁之能事;如此对待一名市议员,甚至比犯人也不如,这个国家是极权的共产主义国度吗?
更糟糕的竟然还是调查官员不允许陈文华站着「协助调查」(这是好听说词,哪有人如此对待协助者),还指着他的眉心,开口大骂他「CINA BODOH!」
一名市议员被调查官员以如此种族主义的字眼谩骂,如果这个官员不被对付,你以为这个国家可能对一般华人平民有多好?
基宫案无声无息,反贪委员却忙着调查欧阳捍华、刘永山、郭素沁、黄洁冰、杨巧双、谢永贤、李宝霖,对了,还有赵明福。这些人不是不能调查,但更明目张胆的基宫案到底是怎么一回事?
一名牙医到底有甚么本事兴建壮观如皇宫般的住家,一扇门就可以等于一幢单层排屋的价格,钱从哪里来?明显的问题不查,却敲锣打豉查几个年轻的民联议员,这是甚么意思?
反贪污委员会到底是反民联,还是反贪污?
更甚的是,竟然骂陈文华「华人笨蛋」?!反贪委员会这是一个怎么病态的组织?!
不过,或许他骂得对,或许华人真的是笨蛋!否则,怎么可能默默忍受这种侮辱?
华人真的可能是笨蛋,明知贪官那么多,明知马华民政当家不当权,还有华人支持马华民政,还有华人投票支持国阵。
华人真的很有可能是笨蛋,种族主主义横行,马华民政到底做了甚么?有官员骂华人市议员是笨蛋,马华民政的声音在哪里?可我们的华社会还有人笨到以为马华民政是我们的希望。这种华人不够笨吗?
华人真的非常有可能是笨蛋,安华当年的黑眼圈,马哈迪说他是自己打自己,真的有人相信,一大把一大把的选票就这样给了当年的马哈迪和国阵,根本不理马哈迪是怎么以种种恶法治国。许多华裔优秀学生进不了大学,拿不到外国深造奖学金,马来人却没有这种问题。这是种族主义,还不够明显吗?笨蛋!
可是面对种种不公平的政策,动不动国阵还有人拿出513来吓选民,可还有华人还是支持国阵,这些华人不是笨蛋又是甚么?
华人是笨蛋?!
真的,我越来越怀疑马来西亚有许许多多的华人是笨蛋。懦弱、无知、贪生怕死、欺善怕恶、别人施舍一点甜头,就晕头转向,只想赚钱,只想发财,有奶就是娘,这种人不是蠢才笨蛋又是甚么?
醒醒吧!如果这时候还不醒,还不辨是非,还不反抗,真是彻头彻尾的经典超级大笨蛋!
CINA BODOH!
文:欧阳文风牧师
我已经很久没有这么生气了。
早上在纽约读到赵明福死的新闻,还有反贪污委员会的反应,加上政府高官如纳兹里的言论,我对我的国家彻底失望!
接下来,再在〈独立新闻在线〉读到陈文华揭露如何被反贪委员会盘问,调查官员极尽恐吓威胁之能事;如此对待一名市议员,甚至比犯人也不如,这个国家是极权的共产主义国度吗?
更糟糕的竟然还是调查官员不允许陈文华站着「协助调查」(这是好听说词,哪有人如此对待协助者),还指着他的眉心,开口大骂他「CINA BODOH!」
一名市议员被调查官员以如此种族主义的字眼谩骂,如果这个官员不被对付,你以为这个国家可能对一般华人平民有多好?
基宫案无声无息,反贪委员却忙着调查欧阳捍华、刘永山、郭素沁、黄洁冰、杨巧双、谢永贤、李宝霖,对了,还有赵明福。这些人不是不能调查,但更明目张胆的基宫案到底是怎么一回事?
一名牙医到底有甚么本事兴建壮观如皇宫般的住家,一扇门就可以等于一幢单层排屋的价格,钱从哪里来?明显的问题不查,却敲锣打豉查几个年轻的民联议员,这是甚么意思?
反贪污委员会到底是反民联,还是反贪污?
更甚的是,竟然骂陈文华「华人笨蛋」?!反贪委员会这是一个怎么病态的组织?!
不过,或许他骂得对,或许华人真的是笨蛋!否则,怎么可能默默忍受这种侮辱?
华人真的可能是笨蛋,明知贪官那么多,明知马华民政当家不当权,还有华人支持马华民政,还有华人投票支持国阵。
华人真的很有可能是笨蛋,种族主主义横行,马华民政到底做了甚么?有官员骂华人市议员是笨蛋,马华民政的声音在哪里?可我们的华社会还有人笨到以为马华民政是我们的希望。这种华人不够笨吗?
华人真的非常有可能是笨蛋,安华当年的黑眼圈,马哈迪说他是自己打自己,真的有人相信,一大把一大把的选票就这样给了当年的马哈迪和国阵,根本不理马哈迪是怎么以种种恶法治国。许多华裔优秀学生进不了大学,拿不到外国深造奖学金,马来人却没有这种问题。这是种族主义,还不够明显吗?笨蛋!
可是面对种种不公平的政策,动不动国阵还有人拿出513来吓选民,可还有华人还是支持国阵,这些华人不是笨蛋又是甚么?
华人是笨蛋?!
真的,我越来越怀疑马来西亚有许许多多的华人是笨蛋。懦弱、无知、贪生怕死、欺善怕恶、别人施舍一点甜头,就晕头转向,只想赚钱,只想发财,有奶就是娘,这种人不是蠢才笨蛋又是甚么?
醒醒吧!如果这时候还不醒,还不辨是非,还不反抗,真是彻头彻尾的经典超级大笨蛋!
2009年6月1日星期一
转载自南洋商报言论版的文章
岂能叫老板滚蛋? 作者:天地人
一名新闻从业员向友人投诉,有一次在工作时,忽然一名官员趋向她大声喝道:“你不喜欢这里,为什么不移民?”
她也不客气回道:“你没资格这样说我,你与我一样都是纳税人,我可以自由选择自己要做的事。”
无独有偶,老朋友A君也向我发牢骚,说他近日与一名华人政治人物谈话时,也被他这样“教训”。他也不客气地反驳之。
他说,那名人物不停地以一些落后国家来与我国比较,说我国拥有种种好处,政治清廉、福利很好,比起那些国家实在太好了。
友人感到不舒服,听到他以落后国家来比较,就以先进国家的加拿大来比较。 他说,在加拿大小巷行走也不怕抢劫,政府更清廉,福利更好。比如该国的乐龄人士,每年都获得政府发出300加币换眼镜,以及5000加币的修补牙齿,而且每个月尚有加币1400元(相当马币4000令吉)养老费。此外,政府也为乐龄人士购买医药保险,老人家一旦生病入院,孩子们都不必担心,因为医药保险百分之百代付一切医药治疗费用。
那名政治人物听后感到不爽,说加拿大政府抽重税,所以人民才有这样的福利啊!我们抽的税少,当然做不到。 A君回复,如果我国做到这样的福利,这样的重税相信大家都愿意缴纳吧!可是我们的所有税收到底用到哪里去呢?
政治人物讲不过A君,竟勃然大怒说道:“讲这么多干嘛,如果你觉得这个国家不好,就移民去吧!”
这一回轮到A君怒发冲冠了,他怒道:“这个国家很好,我肯定爱这个国家,是政策不好,你明白吗?政策不好,我可以用选票来选出心中理想的政府,不是移民他国。”
“你有什么资格叫我移民?我是希望你们接受我的批评,把政策处理得更好,把国家管理得比加拿大更好,甚至是世界上最好的国家。你们不接受也罢了,怎么可以叫人家移民来推卸责任呢?既然你们做不到,不如退下来让别人去做吧!用这个借口搪塞,我会比较接受。”
这样的话题近年来层出不穷,以前甚至是叫不喜欢的人回到他们祖先的国家去,现在才改为移民他国。
A君忿忿不平说,许多看不惯这些官僚嘴脸的有钱或专业人士,因为具有资格早就移民了。剩下我们这些在水深火热之中!
他说得有理。某些政客动辄就叫人家移民,那是不负责任的态度。身为纳税人的选民是老板,倘若一个政府达不到选民的要求,老板叫员工滚蛋才对,什么时候轮到员工叫老板滚蛋呢?员工应该把工作做得更好,不是推卸责任耍脾气,把国家当作是自己的,或把人民当作外来移民。下次聘请员工时,选择能力好的,把这里管理得比加拿大更好,我们的未来会更好!
员工说:“如果你觉得这个国家不好,就移民他国吧!”
老板说:“如果你觉得没能力管理好,就辞职下台吧!”
这两句话具有异曲同工之妙。孰是孰非,还是由大家自己判断!
一名新闻从业员向友人投诉,有一次在工作时,忽然一名官员趋向她大声喝道:“你不喜欢这里,为什么不移民?”
她也不客气回道:“你没资格这样说我,你与我一样都是纳税人,我可以自由选择自己要做的事。”
无独有偶,老朋友A君也向我发牢骚,说他近日与一名华人政治人物谈话时,也被他这样“教训”。他也不客气地反驳之。
他说,那名人物不停地以一些落后国家来与我国比较,说我国拥有种种好处,政治清廉、福利很好,比起那些国家实在太好了。
友人感到不舒服,听到他以落后国家来比较,就以先进国家的加拿大来比较。 他说,在加拿大小巷行走也不怕抢劫,政府更清廉,福利更好。比如该国的乐龄人士,每年都获得政府发出300加币换眼镜,以及5000加币的修补牙齿,而且每个月尚有加币1400元(相当马币4000令吉)养老费。此外,政府也为乐龄人士购买医药保险,老人家一旦生病入院,孩子们都不必担心,因为医药保险百分之百代付一切医药治疗费用。
那名政治人物听后感到不爽,说加拿大政府抽重税,所以人民才有这样的福利啊!我们抽的税少,当然做不到。 A君回复,如果我国做到这样的福利,这样的重税相信大家都愿意缴纳吧!可是我们的所有税收到底用到哪里去呢?
政治人物讲不过A君,竟勃然大怒说道:“讲这么多干嘛,如果你觉得这个国家不好,就移民去吧!”
这一回轮到A君怒发冲冠了,他怒道:“这个国家很好,我肯定爱这个国家,是政策不好,你明白吗?政策不好,我可以用选票来选出心中理想的政府,不是移民他国。”
“你有什么资格叫我移民?我是希望你们接受我的批评,把政策处理得更好,把国家管理得比加拿大更好,甚至是世界上最好的国家。你们不接受也罢了,怎么可以叫人家移民来推卸责任呢?既然你们做不到,不如退下来让别人去做吧!用这个借口搪塞,我会比较接受。”
这样的话题近年来层出不穷,以前甚至是叫不喜欢的人回到他们祖先的国家去,现在才改为移民他国。
A君忿忿不平说,许多看不惯这些官僚嘴脸的有钱或专业人士,因为具有资格早就移民了。剩下我们这些在水深火热之中!
他说得有理。某些政客动辄就叫人家移民,那是不负责任的态度。身为纳税人的选民是老板,倘若一个政府达不到选民的要求,老板叫员工滚蛋才对,什么时候轮到员工叫老板滚蛋呢?员工应该把工作做得更好,不是推卸责任耍脾气,把国家当作是自己的,或把人民当作外来移民。下次聘请员工时,选择能力好的,把这里管理得比加拿大更好,我们的未来会更好!
员工说:“如果你觉得这个国家不好,就移民他国吧!”
老板说:“如果你觉得没能力管理好,就辞职下台吧!”
这两句话具有异曲同工之妙。孰是孰非,还是由大家自己判断!
2009年5月3日星期日
转载自光华日报--铁人李显政
这是我在光华日报读到的一篇人物报导,觉得可以和大家分享,希望大家会喜欢。里边有一些文字特别有意义,我有特别用颜色来标示。
共勉之。
**************************
李显政律师 铁人三项 磨砺意志 战胜自我
李显政律师 铁人三项 磨砺意志 战胜自我
二零零九年五月一日 上午十一时五十六分 报道:彭可晶 摄影:蔡进强、部分图片由受访者提供
铁人三项运动(Triathlon),是非常挑战体能、意志力、耐力和毅力的运动,因而被人们贴上“目前世界上最艰苦体育比赛”的标签,而这个热爱运动的律师,却深深爱上这项磨人的玩意儿,不可自拔。
那年,他还在澳洲攻读法学士学位,有天扭开电视,恰巧转播一场铁人三项赛事,他看着参赛者挑战自我的壮举和赛场的风光旖旎景色合一,顿时被那气势恢宏的壮观画面所深深震撼着,他心想:“有一天我也要成为他们的一份子!”
2000年悉尼奥运会,铁人三项运动成为奥运会正式比赛项目,他也在那年正式参与这项运动。他克服了深海、烈阳、意志及体力的多重苦难煎熬,如今他已经是个参加过无数国内外铁人三项赛事的业余选手。他说,他离不开这项运动了。 台上一分钟,台下十年功。铁人三项是运动量极大的运动项目,参与者需要经历魔鬼式的艰苦训练,才能正式上场参赛。常年参与铁人三项运动赛事的李显政律师,也并不是一开始就练成不知疲惫为何物的“铁人”。
这个从小就喜欢运动的超级运动迷,虽然一路保持着频密运动的习惯,也具备游泳的技巧、跑步的耐力、和骑脚踏车的爆发力和控制力,从澳洲学成归国后,也一直念念不忘铁人三项运动,但是在槟城这个小岛,他却苦无管道去参与这项运动,也找不到前辈指导。 他心里一边惦念着有朝一日一定要参与这项难度大、赛程长和连续性的运动,一边持续着工余时间到槟岛市政局公园跑步的习惯,也许是他跟铁人三项运动缘不该绝,2000年,他在那里结识了几个热爱运动的同好。大家熟络后,偶有一次谈起,才知道他们都有参与过三项运动赛事的经验。
李显政大喜过望,经由前辈们指导,自己勤看专业参考书、勤上专业网站,再反覆勤加练习后,他慢慢的掌握了这项运动的窍门。那年,他们几个同好就约定跨越南中国海,到东马沙巴参赛。他们把比赛装备如比赛服装和运动鞋装入行囊,再把各自的“战车”——脚踏车拆卸装箱后运到沙巴,一行人就搭乘飞机,往赛场进发。他第一次参赛,心情既紧张又兴奋。紧张是因为第一次,兴奋因为也是第一次。他终于亲历比赛的盛况,感受比赛的气氛,但是他不计较时间、成绩,只志在参与,他只求能在预定时间内完成赛事,他只要自己慢慢成长进步,因为可以参赛,就是一种肯定。
有了这次的参赛经验,他更是不可自拔地深深迷恋上这项挑战自我、挑战极限的超耐力运动。简单来说,就是上瘾了,铁人三项运动自此成为他生活中不可或缺的一部分。他说,除了组一台脚踏车、比赛服装和运动鞋花不少钱以外,剩下的训练方式都不必花太多的钱,这项运动让身体和精神得到的满足感,是远远多于投资下去的成本。
每年,他都跟一班同好到各地去参赛,遇上距离比较近槟岛的赛场,他们前一天才赶到,7、8个大男人就挤在一起,合住一间房间,隔天赛事结束,又赶回槟岛。他们不计舟车劳顿之苦,只为一尝参赛过程那种挑战自我极限的畅快感觉。
他笑说,开始参赛那几年,他对铁人三项运动的“爱火”非常疯狂、绝对猛烈,一年的参赛次数有8、9次,近年来,他才逐渐减少参赛的次数,但是一年也至少有参与3、4场赛事。这些年来,他的足迹踏遍全马,甚至北上到泰国普吉岛、华欣、泰南等地参赛。
2001年时,他的赛龄才一年,那年,他到东马砂拉越参赛,一举取下第8名的佳绩。这给了他莫大的鼓励,但是他还是保持着一贯的心态,就是不为奖金名次而比,只享受参与过程。 每次参赛,路旁总是有群众给参赛者加油欢呼打气,途经小学的话,可爱的小朋友也会在学校门口给参赛者加油,每次他都会一边跑步或骑车,一边和他们笑着招手回应。
他非常享受这样的过程,这些加油打气声,无形中给他灌注了莫名的力量,大量运动产生的疲惫感,很神奇地消逝不少。他坦言,如果他一心为了冲第一,就没有多余的心思和时间和他们打交道,也就错失了这样窝心温暖的互动感觉。
他每次参赛,都会放松心情欣赏赛场沿路的景色。这些年来在全马南征北伐,他还是觉得“稻米之乡”吉打的农田美景,那纵横阡陌的乡间田野,忙农事的农夫,像一幅油画般美丽。他每次都放松心情去欣赏沿途风景。
在铁人三项界流传着一句话:“优秀的运动员在比赛中,20%靠技术,80%靠体能。”而李显政说,铁人三项运动不仅是靠体能、靠技术,还得要靠自身的毅力。有时候,参赛者的体能其实还能支撑,但是他们不相信自己可以撑完全程,也就半途弃赛。如果有惊人的毅力支撑,他们也许就可以完成赛程。
他眼神坚毅地说,这项运动,和他的生活已经成为一体,他这一辈子只要还能运动,就不会放弃参赛的机会。完成赛事,才是真正铁人三项的精神。他每次参赛,就算是用走的,也必定要完成赛事。能持之以恒、坚持努力到最后的人,都是真正的铁人!
李显政相信,只要肯努力,人人都能成为“铁人”,这些经历体力、耐力与毅力磨练的人,必定能忍别人所不能忍的苦,在生活中完成更多其他人眼中的“不可能的任务”。
李显政并没有制式的训练计划或教练指导,他都是从网络上、专业书籍或有经验者身上搜集资讯,亲身体验并慢慢突破自己。铁人三项的运动量相当大,身体方面的准备主要包括体质训练,以承受长时间的连续比赛,因此必须持之以恒地运动,锻炼的时间相对也比较长。
最初的时候,他每天都练跑,一次至少跑上2小时。他会特意选最酷热的时段——下午1、2点去跑,以让自己习惯比赛时的毒辣热阳。他练习骑脚踏车的时间更是长达6小时,他通常都是骑车环岛而行,一边欣赏风景,一边锻炼体力。在游泳方面,有赛事前夕,他每天下班后,都会和朋友去中华游泳公会游30圈,没有比赛的话,他一周也会固定游3天,以保持稳定的速度与水平。他也劝吁欲参加者应循序渐进,先培养运动的乐趣,再保持运动习惯、自我训练,那就一定能成为能人所不能的铁人。
他这些年来,也鼓励不少身边的运动同好一起加入“铁人”的行列,也跟初加入这个运动的朋友分享自身的锻炼经验和技术。他很欣慰地见到槟岛的“铁人”阵容,从2000年的3、4个人,到如今已增加到30人。他希望将来会有更多人加入这项具挑战性耐力赛。
2006年,李显政在浮罗交怡参加必须在17个小时完成游泳3.8公里、跑步42.195公里、骑脚踏车180公里的铁人三项比赛——“超级铁人三项(Ironman)”。他在参加这项被他誉为“铁人”一辈子中至少得参加一次的赛事时,发生了一段小插曲,让他虚惊一场。
当时候,他已经完成了游泳3.8公里和骑脚踏车180公里的赛程,在继续跑步42.195公里的路程中,突然眼前一黑,天旋地转,他镇静地蹲下来,请旁人召来医生,医生检查后发现他的糖分不够,他稍息片刻,吃了一颗橙,就恢复体力,继续迈开脚步完成赛事。
他说,其实每次参加比赛,都会目睹一些小意外,比如参赛者的脚踏车轮胎爆胎,导致参赛者摔车手脚折断;还有参赛者突然休克倒地之事,也是司空见惯的。有次他到波德申参赛,有个50多岁的参赛者有心脏病病史,在参加游泳赛项时就病发身亡了。因此参赛者应要视自己的身体状况,决定要不要参赛,否则一旦发生意外,就会造成不能追悔的遗憾。
相关照片
■ 最让李显政骄傲的不是奖状和证书,而是自己从没有弃赛的念头,由始至终都秉持着“铁人”精神。
■ 每次运动前,李显政都会做热身运动,因为热身运动可令身躯进入准备状态,减低正式运动期间受伤的可能性。
■ 奖状挂满了李显政房间的墙面,其实还有数之不尽的荣誉证书和奖牌,他都藏在柜子里了。
■ 最让李显政骄傲的不是奖状和证书,而是自己从没有弃赛的念头,由始至终都秉持着“铁人”精神。
■ 每次运动前,李显政都会做热身运动,因为热身运动可令身躯进入准备状态,减低正式运动期间受伤的可能性。
■ 奖状挂满了李显政房间的墙面,其实还有数之不尽的荣誉证书和奖牌,他都藏在柜子里了。
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